The 1984 Batasang Pambansa Election: A Timeline of Volatility and Violence
Re-Published on May 15, 2023
This article on the 1984 Pambansa Election is an edited version of the original article published on May 4, 2022. All revisions were made to improve readability, without changes to the data and the amount of information in the original.
This article also contains stories of Human Rights Violation Victims of the Martial Law era. To view the rest of the Roll of Victims see this link: Roll of Victims
Funeral procession of the Lakbayan martyrs in April 1984, heading from the US Embassy to Malate Church. The martyrs were among those who marched in protest of the 1984 Batasang Pambansa election, being among the casualties of many cases of election-related violence.
Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.
“The projects and the programs we started must continue. The momentum maintained until somebody can take over.”
said President Ferdinand Marcos.
He was responding to an interviewer who asked if he would want to step down after 18 years in the presidency and facing more administrative problems than ever[1] It was early 1984, twelve years since Marcos imposed Martial Law[2] Now, as the Filipinos faced the 1984 Batasang Pambansa Election, they found themselves again at a political crossroads. To understand the magnitude of this event, let us look back at the key events that led up to it.
Major Setbacks Mark Decade One of Martial Law
January 17, 1973:
Marcos proclaims the newly-ratified 1973 Constitution to be in effect. Under this Constitution, the Vice Presidency is effectively abolished.[3]
October 1973:
The 1973 oil crisis, known as the First Oil Shock, begins. Members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) impose an embargo against nations they believe were supporting Israel amidst the Yom Kippur War. This creates an energy crisis, which forces the Philippines to look for and spend on costly alternative energy sources.[4] As a result, the country incurs more foreign loans and shifts towards a more export-oriented economy.[5]
October 16, 1976:
A referendum-plebiscite is held for the people to vote on whether or not they want Martial Law to continue. They also vote on whether or not they approve of the proposed constitutional amendments. These include, for the first time since 1972, the convening of an Interim Batasang Pambansa. However, the proposed amendments also retain Marcos’ legislative powers until Martial Law is lifted. The plebiscite yields results in favor of both.[6]
April 7, 1978:
The country holds the Interim Batasang Pambansa election. The mainstream opposition, mostly those from the Liberal Party, decide to boycott the polls. Marcos’s Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) wins a staggering 150, or 91%, of all available seats.[7]
Late 1978 – Early 1979:
The Iranian Revolution triggers the Second Oil Shock, plunging the world into an oil supply shortage. This makes oil prices increase dramatically and pushes back the Philippines’ efforts at recovering from the first oil crisis. The national debt, originally meant to stabilize the economy, instead threatens to overwhelm it even further.[8]
January 17, 1973:
Marcos proclaims the newly-ratified 1973 Constitution to be in effect. Under this Constitution, the Vice Presidency is effectively abolished.[3]
October 1973:
The 1973 oil crisis, known as the First Oil Shock, begins. Members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) impose an embargo against nations they believe were supporting Israel amidst the Yom Kippur War. This creates an energy crisis, which forces the Philippines to look for and spend on costly alternative energy sources.[4] As a result, the country incurs more foreign loans and shifts towards a more export-oriented economy.[5]
October 16, 1976:
A referendum-plebiscite is held for the people to vote on whether or not they want Martial Law to continue. They also vote on whether or not they approve of the proposed constitutional amendments. These include, for the first time since 1972, the convening of an Interim Batasang Pambansa. However, the proposed amendments also retain Marcos’ legislative powers until Martial Law is lifted. The plebiscite yields results in favor of both.[6]
April 7, 1978:
The country holds the Interim Batasang Pambansa election. The mainstream opposition, mostly those from the Liberal Party, decide to boycott the polls. Marcos’s Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) wins a staggering 150, or 91%, of all available seats.[7]
Late 1978 – Early 1979:
The Iranian Revolution triggers the Second Oil Shock, plunging the world into an oil supply shortage. This makes oil prices increase dramatically and pushes back the Philippines’ efforts at recovering from the first oil crisis. The national debt, originally meant to stabilize the economy, instead threatens to overwhelm it even further.[8]
Brute Force Backfires on the Regime
Funeral march for Ninoy Aquino held on August 31, 1983. The banner depicts the Aquino alongside other martyrs of the regime – Macli-ing Dulag, Dr. Bobby dela Paz, Edgar Jopson, and Dr. Johnny Escandor.
Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.
January 30, 1980:
Local elections are held and the government tightens its control at the grassroots level. In San Fernando, Pampanga, some 500 public school teachers defy local authorities’ orders to tamper with the ballot, ultimately causing the postponement of elections. Similar instances of cheating and fraud are seen in other places, reinforcing the notion that voting stopped being a medium for the people to express their will. It has become simply a tool for the government to prolong the life of the dictatorship.[9]
August 21, 1983
Former senator and staunch Marcos critic Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. is assassinated at the Manila International Airport (MIA). He had just returned to the Philippines after three years of self-exile in the US. His death triggers a maelstrom as thousands of Filipinos, previously silent in opposing the regime, resolve to employ more active forms of protest. Massive demonstrations, boycotts, and other forms of resistance are held nationwide and grow to a scale previously unseen during the Marcos years.[10]
January 30, 1980:
Local elections are held and the government tightens its control at the grassroots level. In San Fernando, Pampanga, some 500 public school teachers defy local authorities’ orders to tamper with the ballot, ultimately causing the postponement of elections. Similar instances of cheating and fraud are seen in other places, reinforcing the notion that voting stopped being a medium for the people to express their will. It has become simply a tool for the government to prolong the life of the dictatorship.[9]
August 21, 1983
Former senator and staunch Marcos critic Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. is assassinated at the Manila International Airport (MIA). He had just returned to the Philippines after three years of self-exile in the US. His death triggers a maelstrom as thousands of Filipinos, previously silent in opposing the regime, resolve to employ more active forms of protest. Massive demonstrations, boycotts, and other forms of resistance are held nationwide and grow to a scale previously unseen during the Marcos years.[10]
The assassination leads to a 21% devaluation of the Philippine peso amid large-scale purchases of dollars. As a result,the nation’s foreign reserves drop.[11] So does Marcos’s reputation. The US, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and various other creditors and investors look on as Aquino’s killing sparks “more than a mild business panic” and bares the reality of the country’s political and economic instability. The country’s crises get even worse.[12]
The assassination leads to a 21% devaluation of the Philippine peso amid large-scale purchases of dollars. As a result,the nation’s foreign reserves drop.[11] So does Marcos’s reputation. The US, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and various other creditors and investors look on as Aquino’s killing sparks “more than a mild business panic” and bares the reality of the country’s political and economic instability. The country’s crises get even worse.[12]
Demanding Democracy Back
September 1983:
The National Citizens Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) is conceived in a climate of indignation at Aquino’s assassination. Its founding members, composed of volunteers led by Jose Concepcion, Jr. and Vicente Jayme of the Bishop Businessmen’s Conference for Human Development (BBC), emphasize that a free, orderly, and honest democratic process of leadership change is urgently needed.[13] They establish a citizen’s movement for peaceful reforms and keep an eye on the 1984 congressional elections.[14] NAMFREL spends six months mobilizing and training volunteers, training up to 200,000 volunteers in time for May.[15]
October 15, 1983:
The New York Times reports that an advisory committee of banks, with which the Philippines had debts to settle, agreed the day prior to impose a 90-day moratorium on the country’s foreign debt. In doing so they were granting the request of Philippine Prime Minister Cesar Virata and Central Bank Governor Jaime Laya, who flew to New York to meet with them.[16]
September 1983:
The National Citizens Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) is conceived in a climate of indignation at Aquino’s assassination. Its founding members, composed of volunteers led by Jose Concepcion, Jr. and Vicente Jayme of the Bishop Businessmen’s Conference for Human Development (BBC), emphasize that a free, orderly, and honest democratic process of leadership change is urgently needed.[13] They establish a citizen’s movement for peaceful reforms and keep an eye on the 1984 congressional elections.[14] NAMFREL spends six months mobilizing and training volunteers, training up to 200,000 volunteers in time for May.[15]
October 15, 1983:
The New York Times reports that an advisory committee of banks, with which the Philippines had debts to settle, agreed the day prior to impose a 90-day moratorium on the country’s foreign debt. In doing so they were granting the request of Philippine Prime Minister Cesar Virata and Central Bank Governor Jaime Laya, who flew to New York to meet with them.[16]
The six demands headline the January 31, 1984 issue of Political Detainees Update.
Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission
January 8, 1984:
The Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL) adopts a resolution demanding the fulfillment of six conditions until February 14, or 90 days prior to the elections. These include the repeal of repressive decrees that give Marcos dictatorial authority despite the 1981 lifting of martial law. The resolution also demands that the voter list be cleared to address suspicions of fraud. They warn that they will not participate in the election if Marcos fails to comply.[17]
January 10, 1984:
Justice for Aquino, Justice for All Movement (JAJA) Chairman Lorenzo Tañada endorses KOMPIL’s resolution. JAJA express firm belief that unless these conditions are met, then participating in the elections will only betray the cause of the people. They also issue an additional demand to reinstate the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, restore legislative powers to Bataan, and release political prisoners.[18]
January 8, 1984:
The Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL) adopts a resolution demanding the fulfillment of six conditions until February 14, or 90 days prior to the elections. These include the repeal of repressive decrees that give Marcos dictatorial authority despite the 1981 lifting of martial law. The resolution also demands that the voter list be cleared to address suspicions of fraud. They warn that they will not participate in the election if Marcos fails to comply.[17]
January 10, 1984:
Justice for Aquino, Justice for All Movement (JAJA) Chairman Lorenzo Tañada endorses KOMPIL’s resolution. JAJA express firm belief that unless these conditions are met, then participating in the elections will only betray the cause of the people. They also issue an additional demand to reinstate the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, restore legislative powers to Bataan, and release political prisoners.[18]
The Boycott Movement Intensifies
January 13, 1984:
The Alliance of Concerned Teachers – Philippines releases a statement in ICHTHYS affirming that it is joining the boycott movement.[19]
2nd week, January 1984:
The Businessmen’s Committee for Reconciliation states that they would feel “compelled” to demand Marcos’s resignation if he fails to lead the Filipinos out of the crisis. This group constituted business leaders who were previously some of Marcos’ staunchest supporters. Their statement signifies a new disenchantment with the capabilities of the administration in light of recent events.[20] The six demands headline the January 31, 1984 issue of Political Detainees Update. Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.
January 24, 1984:
10,000 people march along Ayala Avenue in Makati City in a rally to boycott the election. They are led by Aquino’s widow Corazon Aquino, and brother Agapito “Butz” Aquino.[21] The rallyists march through the Ugarte Football Field with placards demanding democracy and freedom as more urgent needs over the electoral process, which they predict will be an utterly dishonest and futile exercise.
Late 1983 – January 1984:
The 90-day moratorium on Philippine foreign-debt payment elapses. The banks eventually grant an extension, but the negotiation sours when it is discovered that the Philippines overstated its foreign reserves by $600 million and underestimated its debt by $6 billion. This drastically reduces the IMF and the creditors’ confidence in the country’s ability to pay off its loans.[22]
January 13, 1984:
The Alliance of Concerned Teachers – Philippines releases a statement in ICHTHYS affirming that it is joining the boycott movement.[19]
2nd week, January 1984:
The Businessmen’s Committee for Reconciliation states that they would feel “compelled” to demand Marcos’s resignation if he fails to lead the Filipinos out of the crisis. This group constituted business leaders who were previously some of Marcos’ staunchest supporters. Their statement signifies a new disenchantment with the capabilities of the administration in light of recent events.[20] The six demands headline the January 31, 1984 issue of Political Detainees Update. Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.
January 24, 1984:
10,000 people march along Ayala Avenue in Makati City in a rally to boycott the election. They are led by Aquino’s widow Corazon Aquino, and brother Agapito “Butz” Aquino.[21] The rallyists march through the Ugarte Football Field with placards demanding democracy and freedom as more urgent needs over the electoral process, which they predict will be an utterly dishonest and futile exercise.
Late 1983 – January 1984:
The 90-day moratorium on Philippine foreign-debt payment elapses. The banks eventually grant an extension, but the negotiation sours when it is discovered that the Philippines overstated its foreign reserves by $600 million and underestimated its debt by $6 billion. This drastically reduces the IMF and the creditors’ confidence in the country’s ability to pay off its loans.[22]
The January ‘84 Plebiscite on Constitutional Amendments
January 27, 1984
The 1984 plebiscite is held and its results lead to amendments in the Constitution. This includes the amendment to elect members of the Batasang Pambansa by province, city and district when previously this was open only to regional representatives. This brings representation closer to the local levels.[23] The plebiscite also paves the way for the re-establishment of the Office of the Vice President.[24]
The government begins to clamp down on areas that boycotted the January plebiscite. In Sicalao, Lasam, Cagayan Valley, an entire barrio is “hamletted,” or forcibly evacuated to a relocation site. The 7th Infantry Brigade of the Philippine Army forces up to 500 families out of their homes for their boycott. Months later, Philippine Signs reports that the families have been forbidden to visit their fields to harvest crops, and at least three children have died of hunger. The report also says that in the previous year alone, 150 people had been killed by the military in Cagayan, making the province a hotbed of military atrocities.[25]
A separate report cites a series of harassments, abductions, and salvaging by the soldiers of the 17th Infantry Battalion to the residents of Zinundugan Valley in Rizal, Cagayan for the same reasons. This was conducted under the pretext that the residents, most of whom were illiterate, had been influenced by the NPA not to vote. The report echoes multiple cases in which the bodies of residents who had gone missing were found in areas where the soldiers conducted their operations.[26] Elsewhere, in Butuan City, slum-dwellers are intimidated and harassed by the military days after the plebiscite. House-to-house raids are conducted to identify those who joined the boycott.[27]
The hamletting at Cagayan headlines Philippine Signs Vol. 1, No. 22 (April 7-13, 1984). It details the eviction of families from a Cagayan barrio due to their boycott of the January plebiscite.
Screenshot of document accessed through the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Digital Library.
January 27, 1984
The 1984 plebiscite is held and its results lead to amendments in the Constitution. This includes the amendment to elect members of the Batasang Pambansa by province, city and district when previously this was open only to regional representatives. This brings representation closer to the local levels.[23] The plebiscite also paves the way for the re-establishment of the Office of the Vice President.[24]
The government begins to clamp down on areas that boycotted the January plebiscite. In Sicalao, Lasam, Cagayan Valley, an entire barrio is “hamletted,” or forcibly evacuated to a relocation site. The 7th Infantry Brigade of the Philippine Army forces up to 500 families out of their homes for their boycott. Months later, Philippine Signs reports that the families have been forbidden to visit their fields to harvest crops, and at least three children have died of hunger. The report also says that in the previous year alone, 150 people had been killed by the military in Cagayan, making the province a hotbed of military atrocities.[25]
A separate report cites a series of harassments, abductions, and salvaging by the soldiers of the 17th Infantry Battalion to the residents of Zinundugan Valley in Rizal, Cagayan for the same reasons. This was conducted under the pretext that the residents, most of whom were illiterate, had been influenced by the NPA not to vote. The report echoes multiple cases in which the bodies of residents who had gone missing were found in areas where the soldiers conducted their operations.[26] Elsewhere, in Butuan City, slum-dwellers are intimidated and harassed by the military days after the plebiscite. House-to-house raids are conducted to identify those who joined the boycott.[27]
Why Vote for a Rubber Stamp Assembly?
January 30, 1984:
Newsweek reports that Marcos has conceded to some of the opposition demands. Rumors had been circulating that the national voter-rolls were being padded with the names of many dead or fictitious KBL supporters. To address this, Marcos calls for the full erasure of the rolls and re-registration of all voters.[28] He also temporarily suspends his power to arrest and jail dissidents. However, he turns down the demands to release political prisoners, lift media restrictions, and relinquish control of the Batasang Pambansa.
This causes a split in the opposition movement as Salvador “Doy” Laurel, the frontrunner of the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO), continues to push for participation in the May election. Meanwhile, boycott leaders Butz Aquino and former Senator Jose Diokno adhere to the boycott. They remain firm in the belief that voting, let alone running, in a rubber stamp parliament would be like “fighting over the hole in a doughnut”.[29]
Newsweek reports that Manila Archbishop Cardinal Jaime Sin has asked the US to “help convince Marcos to make sure the May elections are clean.” Even former senator Lorenzo Tañada, a critic of US intervention and foremost nationalist leader, expresses that the country needs the US to help persuade Marcos into easing his dictatorial grip before further chaos ensues.[30]
February 15, 1984:
At 12:01 AM in Makati City’s Ugarte Field, opposition groups led by Butz Aquino officially launch the boycott movement. This comes after Marcos’s failure to respond to the six demands within the deadline he was given in January. Sectoral leaders, including farmers and workers represented by Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), present statements of support and commitment to the boycott.
February 27, 1984:
The Alliance of Concerned Teachers in Occidental Negros (ACTION) holds a province-wide sitdown strike to press a 15-point demand, highlighting living wages for teachers and stable funding for public high schools. They declare that they will not participate in the election and vote counting if their demands are not met.[31]
January 30, 1984:
Newsweek reports that Marcos has conceded to some of the opposition demands. Rumors had been circulating that the national voter-rolls were being padded with the names of many dead or fictitious KBL supporters. To address this, Marcos calls for the full erasure of the rolls and re-registration of all voters.[28] He also temporarily suspends his power to arrest and jail dissidents. However, he turns down the demands to release political prisoners, lift media restrictions, and relinquish control of the Batasang Pambansa.
This causes a split in the opposition movement as Salvador “Doy” Laurel, the frontrunner of the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO), continues to push for participation in the May election. Meanwhile, boycott leaders Butz Aquino and former Senator Jose Diokno adhere to the boycott. They remain firm in the belief that voting, let alone running, in a rubber stamp parliament would be like “fighting over the hole in a doughnut”.[29]
Newsweek reports that Manila Archbishop Cardinal Jaime Sin has asked the US to “help convince Marcos to make sure the May elections are clean.” Even former senator Lorenzo Tañada, a critic of US intervention and foremost nationalist leader, expresses that the country needs the US to help persuade Marcos into easing his dictatorial grip before further chaos ensues.[30]
February 15, 1984:
At 12:01 AM in Makati City’s Ugarte Field, opposition groups led by Butz Aquino officially launch the boycott movement. This comes after Marcos’s failure to respond to the six demands within the deadline he was given in January. Sectoral leaders, including farmers and workers represented by Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), present statements of support and commitment to the boycott.
February 27, 1984:
The Alliance of Concerned Teachers in Occidental Negros (ACTION) holds a province-wide sitdown strike to press a 15-point demand, highlighting living wages for teachers and stable funding for public high schools. They declare that they will not participate in the election and vote counting if their demands are not met.[31]
LAKBAYAN
The southern marchers of the Lakbayan boycott movement, passing through Silang, going to Bulihan, in Cavite on March 3, 1984.
Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.
March 1-7, 1984:
The Lakad para sa Kalayaan ng Bayan (LAKBAYAN) or People’s March for Freedom takes place. An estimated 40,000 farmers, fishermen, laborers, vendors, students, professionals, and religious travel hundreds of kilometers on foot from various points in Luzon to complete the seven-day march. It is the first of its kind in the history of the nation. Simultaneously starting at Concepcion, Tarlac in the North, and at San Pablo, Laguna in the South, the various groups converge at Manila’s Quirino Grandstand to drumbeat the boycott of the May election. The marchers are not fazed by heat, physical exhaustion, hunger, and multiple incidences of military harassment. Empowered indignation ferries them through as they deplore the state of the nation and condemn the electoral process:
March 1-7, 1984:
The Lakad para sa Kalayaan ng Bayan (LAKBAYAN) or People’s March for Freedom takes place. An estimated 40,000 farmers, fishermen, laborers, vendors, students, professionals, and religious travel hundreds of kilometers on foot from various points in Luzon to complete the seven-day march. It is the first of its kind in the history of the nation. Simultaneously starting at Concepcion, Tarlac in the North, and at San Pablo, Laguna in the South, the various groups converge at Manila’s Quirino Grandstand to drumbeat the boycott of the May election. The marchers are not fazed by heat, physical exhaustion, hunger, and multiple incidences of military harassment. Empowered indignation ferries them through as they deplore the state of the nation and condemn the electoral process:
“Sayang lang. Walang saysay ang boto mo, di rin nakukuha ang gusto mo. Kahit sino ang manalo, wala ring pagbabago.” (“It’s useless. Your vote won’t amount to anything, because you won’t get what you want. Nothing will change, whatever the outcome”).[32]
March 5, 1984:
Despite restrictions imposed by local authorities, around 8,000 Ilonggos support the boycott in a rally held at Plaza Libertad, Iloilo City. Former Senator Jose W. Diokno joins them. Meanwhile, a similar rally is held on the 28th of April at the St. Elizabeth Academy in Janiuay, Iloilo.[33]
March 7, 1984:
Four Lakbayanis, all from Batangas, go missing. Ismael Umali, 25, Aurelio Magpantay, 27, Ronilo Evangelio, 24, and Ronillo Clarete, 21, are last seen on the seventh and final day of the Lakbayan. The number of missing persons rises to six almost three weeks later as two more Lakbayan marchers, Gregorio Moraleza, 24, and a certain Gani, are reported missing as well.[34]
March 18, 1984:
Cebu holds its own LAKBAYAN. Around 10,000 students, professionals, workers, businessmen, farmers, and religious participate. The march starts at Danao City Catholic Church, passing the towns of Compostela, Liloan, Consolacion and Mandaue City before ending at Fuente Osmeña. The 33-kilometer “March for Freedom” similarly calls for the boycott and the dismantling of the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship.[35]
March 5, 1984:
Despite restrictions imposed by local authorities, around 8,000 Ilonggos support the boycott in a rally held at Plaza Libertad, Iloilo City. Former Senator Jose W. Diokno joins them. Meanwhile, a similar rally is held on the 28th of April at the St. Elizabeth Academy in Janiuay, Iloilo.[33]
March 7, 1984:
Four Lakbayanis, all from Batangas, go missing. Ismael Umali, 25, Aurelio Magpantay, 27, Ronilo Evangelio, 24, and Ronillo Clarete, 21, are last seen on the seventh and final day of the Lakbayan. The number of missing persons rises to six almost three weeks later as two more Lakbayan marchers, Gregorio Moraleza, 24, and a certain Gani, are reported missing as well.[34]
March 18, 1984:
Cebu holds its own LAKBAYAN. Around 10,000 students, professionals, workers, businessmen, farmers, and religious participate. The march starts at Danao City Catholic Church, passing the towns of Compostela, Liloan, Consolacion and Mandaue City before ending at Fuente Osmeña. The 33-kilometer “March for Freedom” similarly calls for the boycott and the dismantling of the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship.[35]
No Good News: The Billion-Dollar Debt, Deception, and Death
March 26, 1984:
Christian Science Monitor correctly predicts that the 90-day moratorium on foreign payments, already extended once, will be extended for another three months. Talks remain stalled over the rescheduling of the country’s $25 billion foreign debts and the delayed $630 million standby credit from the IMF. The usually lenient IMF increases its stringency towards the Philippine government when it fails to stabilize the economy using the loans made precisely for that purpose.[36]
March 27, 1984:
Vote-buying and deception predictably mars the KBL’s “People’s Assembly” in Manila. Central Bank (CB) Senior Deputy Gov. Gabriel Singson directs all CB employees to attend the rally, doling out a “T-shirt and a special allowance of P30 each”. He even warns that attendance will be monitored. Atty. Teodoro P. Regino of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines Pangasinan chapter alleges that votes had been sold by two KBL bets to the various local officials of Pangasinan. These included barangay tanods (P200), captains (P300), kagawads (P200), municipal mayors (P3,000), members of the sangguniang panlalawigan (P5,000), and city mayors (P10,000).[37]
March 28, 1984:
Four mangled bodies are found in a shallow grave in Sitio Hanopol, Barangay Kaong in Silang, Cavite. As they are unidentifiable at the time, their remains are reburied at a graveyard in Silang. A few days later on April 9, an NBI medico-legal group conduct an autopsy on the remains. They determine that the four victims are indeed Ismael Umali, Aurelio Magpantay, Ronilo Evangelio, and Ronillo Clarete. They were last seen by fellow marchers on March 7, the last day of the LAKBAYAN.[38]
April 1, 1984:
Voter registrations formally close. NAMFREL reports an upscale of irregularities in data. Ballot boxes are taken at gunpoint by groups of men, flying voters are caught registering in groups in localities other than their own, civilian poll watchers are threatened, and pre-prepared registration forms are discovered. These further stoke fears and confirm expectations of wide-scale fraud taking place all over the country.[39]
April 11, 1984:
Vice Mayor Rosita Villafuerte of Sipocot, Camarines Sur is shot fatally on the back of the head. The unknown assailant committed the crime shortly after the Vice Mayor’s speech at an UNIDO rally in Barangay Manlubang. Before her death, Villafuerte is said to have succeeded in convincing 43 of the 46 Sipocot barangay captains to withdraw support for the KBL and instead support UNIDO.[40]
April 12-15, 1984:
A march echoing the Luzon LAKBAYAN entitled Lakbay Alang sa Kagawasan is held, starting from three different points in Bohol and ending in Tagbilaran. Farmers, fishermen, students, and professionals conduct this similarly to support the boycott movement.[41]
March 26, 1984:
Christian Science Monitor correctly predicts that the 90-day moratorium on foreign payments, already extended once, will be extended for another three months. Talks remain stalled over the rescheduling of the country’s $25 billion foreign debts and the delayed $630 million standby credit from the IMF. The usually lenient IMF increases its stringency towards the Philippine government when it fails to stabilize the economy using the loans made precisely for that purpose.[36]
March 27, 1984:
Vote-buying and deception predictably mars the KBL’s “People’s Assembly” in Manila. Central Bank (CB) Senior Deputy Gov. Gabriel Singson directs all CB employees to attend the rally, doling out a “T-shirt and a special allowance of P30 each”. He even warns that attendance will be monitored. Atty. Teodoro P. Regino of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines Pangasinan chapter alleges that votes had been sold by two KBL bets to the various local officials of Pangasinan. These included barangay tanods (P200), captains (P300), kagawads (P200), municipal mayors (P3,000), members of the sangguniang panlalawigan (P5,000), and city mayors (P10,000).[37]
March 28, 1984:
Four mangled bodies are found in a shallow grave in Sitio Hanopol, Barangay Kaong in Silang, Cavite. As they are unidentifiable at the time, their remains are reburied at a graveyard in Silang. A few days later on April 9, an NBI medico-legal group conduct an autopsy on the remains. They determine that the four victims are indeed Ismael Umali, Aurelio Magpantay, Ronilo Evangelio, and Ronillo Clarete. They were last seen by fellow marchers on March 7, the last day of the LAKBAYAN.[38]
April 1, 1984:
Voter registrations formally close. NAMFREL reports an upscale of irregularities in data. Ballot boxes are taken at gunpoint by groups of men, flying voters are caught registering in groups in localities other than their own, civilian poll watchers are threatened, and pre-prepared registration forms are discovered. These further stoke fears and confirm expectations of wide-scale fraud taking place all over the country.[39]
April 11, 1984:
Vice Mayor Rosita Villafuerte of Sipocot, Camarines Sur is shot fatally on the back of the head. The unknown assailant committed the crime shortly after the Vice Mayor’s speech at an UNIDO rally in Barangay Manlubang. Before her death, Villafuerte is said to have succeeded in convincing 43 of the 46 Sipocot barangay captains to withdraw support for the KBL and instead support UNIDO.[40]
April 12-15, 1984:
A march echoing the Luzon LAKBAYAN entitled Lakbay Alang sa Kagawasan is held, starting from three different points in Bohol and ending in Tagbilaran. Farmers, fishermen, students, and professionals conduct this similarly to support the boycott movement.[41]
The Boycott Campaign Races Against Time
The mammoth rally at the Luneta when the North and South Sakbayan caravan merged, with some 65,000 people attending the rally.
Photo, one of a set of photos, accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.
April 13, 1984:
An approximate number of 11,000 people join together at Bacolod City Plaza as they protest against militarization and call for the boycott. The march is sponsored by religious groups Basic Christian Communities and the Negros Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace. The protestors call for the release of all political prisoners, many of whom are church men and women, and likewise protest the repression of the church.[42]
Meanwhile, Philippine Signs releases a report on alleged paramilitary groups being secretly trained specifically for the May election. Allegedly, the said paramilitary groups are trained by a powerful KBL candidate in Kalinga-Apayao. Another report also alleges that prisoners from the province are being released to reinforce the campaign of an influential candidate in the province.
May 1984:
NAMFREL trains up to 200,000 volunteers in the months leading up to May. As the election approaches, more volunteers show up, with more during the actual vote counting.[43] However various issues arise, as two farmers, both NAMFREL volunteers, are killed in a barrio in Davao del Norte. Other deaths are likewise reported but fear hinders the proper documentation of each case.[44] Many NAMFREL volunteers are also beaten and harassed.
May 1, 1984:
Thousands of Cebuanos choose to celebrate Labor Day by participating in a pro-boycott rally. Said rally simultaneously started from Consolacion in the North and Talisay in the South before ending at Fuente Osmeña Plaza. Butz Aquino addresses the crowd with a speech on U.S. interference in Philippine affairs. He states that the Americans are guilty of using Marcos to suppress and repress the Filipinos. Further, he also says that the May 1984 election is merely a diversionary tactic by the U.S. to maintain Marcos’ one-man rule in the Philippines.[45]
April 13, 1984:
An approximate number of 11,000 people join together at Bacolod City Plaza as they protest against militarization and call for the boycott. The march is sponsored by religious groups Basic Christian Communities and the Negros Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace. The protestors call for the release of all political prisoners, many of whom are church men and women, and likewise protest the repression of the church.[42]
Meanwhile, Philippine Signs releases a report on alleged paramilitary groups being secretly trained specifically for the May election. Allegedly, the said paramilitary groups are trained by a powerful KBL candidate in Kalinga-Apayao. Another report also alleges that prisoners from the province are being released to reinforce the campaign of an influential candidate in the province.
May 1984:
NAMFREL trains up to 200,000 volunteers in the months leading up to May. As the election approaches, more volunteers show up, with more during the actual vote counting.[43] However various issues arise, as two farmers, both NAMFREL volunteers, are killed in a barrio in Davao del Norte. Other deaths are likewise reported but fear hinders the proper documentation of each case.[44] Many NAMFREL volunteers are also beaten and harassed.
May 1, 1984:
Thousands of Cebuanos choose to celebrate Labor Day by participating in a pro-boycott rally. Said rally simultaneously started from Consolacion in the North and Talisay in the South before ending at Fuente Osmeña Plaza. Butz Aquino addresses the crowd with a speech on U.S. interference in Philippine affairs. He states that the Americans are guilty of using Marcos to suppress and repress the Filipinos. Further, he also says that the May 1984 election is merely a diversionary tactic by the U.S. to maintain Marcos’ one-man rule in the Philippines.[45]
May 4, 1984:
The Luzon Secretariat of Social Action (LUSSA) Federation passes a resolution to boycott the upcoming election, publishing a statement in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 16. They join the ranks of other religious groups who previously also called for the boycott. These religious groups are as follows: the Dioceses of Sorsogon and Imus, Cavite, the Prelature of Isabela, Basilan, the Kapisanan ng mga Madre ng Kamaynilaan, the ICM Sisters, the Committee for the Promotion of Church People’s Rights and Response, and the Pampanga Association of Women Religious.[46]
May 4-13, 1984:
Pro-boycott supporters hold a 10-day caravan dubbed as SAKBAYAN ‘84 (Sakay Para Sa Kalayaan Ng Bayan). Their route starts down the South, passing Sorsogon, Albay, Camarines Norte and Sur, Quezon, Batangas, Laguna, and Cavite. The caravan spans more than 600 kilometers that ends in Luneta. Starting with six vehicles (with 53 riders), the number swells up to 56 vehicles in Sorsogon to 58 vehicles in Cavite. The caravan ends with a hundred vehicles in Luneta. In Quezon, seven boycott supporters awaiting the caravan are picked up by the police for questioning. The three of them are locked up overnight in Camp Natividad in Gumaca. Butz Aquino, who was in attendance at a city plaza in Naga states that the caravan is their only option to be able to reach out to the people in a short amount of time.[47]
ELECTION DAY
MAY 14, 1984:
The Batasang Pambansa election is held. Due to the January plebiscite resulting in delegating representation by province, city, and district, rather than by region alone, the number of available seats increased. The seats increased from 165, occupied in the Interim Batasang Pambansa, to 183.[51] Despite groups calling for a boycott and participating in boycott rallies, several opposition candidates still vie for seats. Political analysts predict the agitated but united slate of Marcos’ Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) will still win by a large margin over the fractured but thriving opposition.[52]
Results
Ultimately, the KBL does win the majority, securing 114 seats (63%) compared to the 69 shared by the remaining groups. 35 seats are won by UNIDO, and 6 won by PDP-Laban. However KBL still suffers a significant drop, losing more than 30 seats won from the previous elections. Meanwhile, the opposition who previously had none, gain more than 40.
Langoni nine
In Cauayan, Negros, 11 men after casting their ballots for the election are apprehended and interrogated by PC soldiers. Shots are heard at around 7:20 in the evening, further disrupting the canvassing of ballots which took place during a brownout. Nine of the 11 men turn out dead the next day, all bearing torture marks, gunshot wounds, and burns. They are dubbed the Langoni Nine, after their hometown of Sitio Langoni.[53]
NPA-MILITARY ENCOUNTERS
In an NPA-staged attack as claimed by the military, rebels allegedly simultaneously snatch ballot boxes in various areas in Camarines Sur using high-powered rifles. Further, the rebels are accused of using grenade launchers to ambush policemen in a remote mountain trail in Calabanga. However, former Trade Minister Luis Villafuerte of UNIDO states that he doesn’t believe the military’s claim. He states that the areas targeted by alleged rebels were only UNIDO strongholds. Villafuerte also states that the NPAs don’t have such sophisticated weaponry, unlike the police and the military with their artillery.[54]
The death toll attributed to election-related violence rises. Encounters between the military and rebels take place in Pagadian City, Quezon Province, Davao Del Norte, Ifugao, Antique, Negros Occidental, and Cotabato City. Some incidents report that the military and rebels would clash during the transportation of ballot boxes. At least 91 lives are claimed, including 60 soldiers and paramilitary troops, 16 NPA members, and 15 civilians.[55]
VOTE MANIPULATION
Reports of election irregularities proliferate as early as 6:30 in the morning in various barangays and municipalities in Cagayan. In the barangays of Bugnay and Bicok, the elections were held the night before. Resident Renario Lucas states that they were ordered to affix their thumb marks on official ballots by Citizen’s Election Committee (CEC) Chairman Clifford Vallejo. There are also reports of UNIDO watchers being denied access inside the voting centers by their respective CEC chairmans.[56] Area coordinator Rolando Arjonillo discloses that the voting centers in Ballesteros and Abulug were closed as early as 9 AM, with the ballot boxes taken to their respective municipal buildings. Arjonillo also claims that armed men and barangay officials did not allow the people to vote in the towns of Claveria and Sta. Praxedes. Further, there were also reports of ballot box snatching in Brgy. Catugan as disclosed by Belen Dombrique and Citas Ramos. As per Dombrique and Ramos, at 2 PM, a COMELEC registrar, Mr. Savella, with two armed men, forcibly took the ballot box and its keys from the chairman and the poll clerk. They then brought the boxes to the municipal building where the counting of votes took place.
In another case of vote manipulation, teachers who were serving as chairmen and poll watchers in Tuguegarao were made to cheat in the counting. According to poll clerk Erlinda Alan, a certain Plaridel Israel gave them instructions before the canvassing to give zero votes to Timek candidates by reading all the votes in favor of the KBL.[57] Complaints received by the COMELEC during the elections are mostly about the ineffectiveness of the indelible ink. Acetone and cotton are distributed to flying voters in Las Piñas and indelible ink was used in Fairview. There are also reports of vote buying in Pasig, where a man was caught distributing envelopes containing 30 pesos and leaflets of the KBL’s Danny Floro. Radio Veritas and other prominent radio stations also receive reports of Aurora Pijuan-Manotoc’s poll watchers being manhandled by a barangay tanod, and armed men stopping the election proceedings in Muntinlupa.[58]
WEAPONIZING VOTERS’ NEEDS
In Ilocos Sur, all government employees are instructed to vote for the KBL candidates. This was proven in a statement by a 27-year old clerk saying that they should vote for KBL if they want to remain in their jobs. Further, a janitor at the Ilocos Sur National High School was quoted as saying, “Kailangan kong manatili sa trabaho, kaya KBL.” A poll clerk at the Vigan Central School was also quoted saying, “Alam mo naman ang trabaho ko. In three years I will already retire kaya maintindihan mo sana.”
Volunteer nuns are also made to watch the cheating of votes right in front of them, and not say anything in fear of their lives. Benedictine nuns watched in silence as burly men went in and out of the polling place while distributing KBL sample ballots.[59]
Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission
May 4, 1984:
The Luzon Secretariat of Social Action (LUSSA) Federation passes a resolution to boycott the upcoming election, publishing a statement in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 16. They join the ranks of other religious groups who previously also called for the boycott. These religious groups are as follows: the Dioceses of Sorsogon and Imus, Cavite, the Prelature of Isabela, Basilan, the Kapisanan ng mga Madre ng Kamaynilaan, the ICM Sisters, the Committee for the Promotion of Church People’s Rights and Response, and the Pampanga Association of Women Religious.[46]
May 4-13, 1984:
Pro-boycott supporters hold a 10-day caravan dubbed as SAKBAYAN ‘84 (Sakay Para Sa Kalayaan Ng Bayan). Their route starts down the South, passing Sorsogon, Albay, Camarines Norte and Sur, Quezon, Batangas, Laguna, and Cavite. The caravan spans more than 600 kilometers that ends in Luneta. Starting with six vehicles (with 53 riders), the number swells up to 56 vehicles in Sorsogon to 58 vehicles in Cavite. The caravan ends with a hundred vehicles in Luneta. In Quezon, seven boycott supporters awaiting the caravan are picked up by the police for questioning. The three of them are locked up overnight in Camp Natividad in Gumaca. Butz Aquino, who was in attendance at a city plaza in Naga states that the caravan is their only option to be able to reach out to the people in a short amount of time.[47]
ELECTION DAY
MAY 14, 1984:
The Batasang Pambansa election is held. Due to the January plebiscite resulting in delegating representation by province, city, and district, rather than by region alone, the number of available seats increased. The seats increased from 165, occupied in the Interim Batasang Pambansa, to 183.[51] Despite groups calling for a boycott and participating in boycott rallies, several opposition candidates still vie for seats. Political analysts predict the agitated but united slate of Marcos’ Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) will still win by a large margin over the fractured but thriving opposition.[52]
Results
Ultimately, the KBL does win the majority, securing 114 seats (63%) compared to the 69 shared by the remaining groups. 35 seats are won by UNIDO, and 6 won by PDP-Laban. However KBL still suffers a significant drop, losing more than 30 seats won from the previous elections. Meanwhile, the opposition who previously had none, gain more than 40.
Langoni nine
In Cauayan, Negros, 11 men after casting their ballots for the election are apprehended and interrogated by PC soldiers. Shots are heard at around 7:20 in the evening, further disrupting the canvassing of ballots which took place during a brownout. Nine of the 11 men turn out dead the next day, all bearing torture marks, gunshot wounds, and burns. They are dubbed the Langoni Nine, after their hometown of Sitio Langoni.[53]
NPA-MILITARY ENCOUNTERS
In an NPA-staged attack as claimed by the military, rebels allegedly simultaneously snatch ballot boxes in various areas in Camarines Sur using high-powered rifles. Further, the rebels are accused of using grenade launchers to ambush policemen in a remote mountain trail in Calabanga. However, former Trade Minister Luis Villafuerte of UNIDO states that he doesn’t believe the military’s claim. He states that the areas targeted by alleged rebels were only UNIDO strongholds. Villafuerte also states that the NPAs don’t have such sophisticated weaponry, unlike the police and the military with their artillery.[54]
The death toll attributed to election-related violence rises. Encounters between the military and rebels take place in Pagadian City, Quezon Province, Davao Del Norte, Ifugao, Antique, Negros Occidental, and Cotabato City. Some incidents report that the military and rebels would clash during the transportation of ballot boxes. At least 91 lives are claimed, including 60 soldiers and paramilitary troops, 16 NPA members, and 15 civilians.[55]
VOTE MANIPULATION
Reports of election irregularities proliferate as early as 6:30 in the morning in various barangays and municipalities in Cagayan. In the barangays of Bugnay and Bicok, the elections were held the night before. Resident Renario Lucas states that they were ordered to affix their thumb marks on official ballots by Citizen’s Election Committee (CEC) Chairman Clifford Vallejo. There are also reports of UNIDO watchers being denied access inside the voting centers by their respective CEC chairmans.[56] Area coordinator Rolando Arjonillo discloses that the voting centers in Ballesteros and Abulug were closed as early as 9 AM, with the ballot boxes taken to their respective municipal buildings. Arjonillo also claims that armed men and barangay officials did not allow the people to vote in the towns of Claveria and Sta. Praxedes. Further, there were also reports of ballot box snatching in Brgy. Catugan as disclosed by Belen Dombrique and Citas Ramos. As per Dombrique and Ramos, at 2 PM, a COMELEC registrar, Mr. Savella, with two armed men, forcibly took the ballot box and its keys from the chairman and the poll clerk. They then brought the boxes to the municipal building where the counting of votes took place.
In another case of vote manipulation, teachers who were serving as chairmen and poll watchers in Tuguegarao were made to cheat in the counting. According to poll clerk Erlinda Alan, a certain Plaridel Israel gave them instructions before the canvassing to give zero votes to Timek candidates by reading all the votes in favor of the KBL.[57] Complaints received by the COMELEC during the elections are mostly about the ineffectiveness of the indelible ink. Acetone and cotton are distributed to flying voters in Las Piñas and indelible ink was used in Fairview. There are also reports of vote buying in Pasig, where a man was caught distributing envelopes containing 30 pesos and leaflets of the KBL’s Danny Floro. Radio Veritas and other prominent radio stations also receive reports of Aurora Pijuan-Manotoc’s poll watchers being manhandled by a barangay tanod, and armed men stopping the election proceedings in Muntinlupa.[58]
WEAPONIZING VOTERS’ NEEDS
In Ilocos Sur, all government employees are instructed to vote for the KBL candidates. This was proven in a statement by a 27-year old clerk saying that they should vote for KBL if they want to remain in their jobs. Further, a janitor at the Ilocos Sur National High School was quoted as saying, “Kailangan kong manatili sa trabaho, kaya KBL.” A poll clerk at the Vigan Central School was also quoted saying, “Alam mo naman ang trabaho ko. In three years I will already retire kaya maintindihan mo sana.”
Volunteer nuns are also made to watch the cheating of votes right in front of them, and not say anything in fear of their lives. Benedictine nuns watched in silence as burly men went in and out of the polling place while distributing KBL sample ballots.[59]
Complaints Further Reveal the Nature of the Election
May 15, 1984 onwards:
Amidst the looming presence of armed goons in various localities, NAMFREL’s “Operation Quick Count” plays a significant role. It detects inconsistencies in the official count and allows NAMFREL to effectively deliver the election results from all over the country to Manila. NAMFREL delivers results much faster and more efficiently than the COMELEC.[60] But this does not come without any trouble. In some instances, NAMFREL volunteers are not permitted entrance into polling areas such as West Crame, San Juan; Bagong Silang, Mandaluyong; Jose Rizal College, and San Miguel, Manila.[61] In Barangan, Muntinlupa, volunteers are hospitalized after being attacked by barangay officials. By the end of election day, NAMFREL continues to face issues with flying voters, missing ballots, and infringement of the election code.[62]
In the Vol. VII, No. 22 issue of ICHTHYS, Kaakbay publishes an article, stating that NAMFREL reported that the election was “generally clean with isolated and minor violations” in about 64% of the country. It had no data from 10% of the provinces. For the remaining 26%, fraud is so rampant and grave that the results cannot be relied upon.[63]
May 15, 1984 onwards:
Amidst the looming presence of armed goons in various localities, NAMFREL’s “Operation Quick Count” plays a significant role. It detects inconsistencies in the official count and allows NAMFREL to effectively deliver the election results from all over the country to Manila. NAMFREL delivers results much faster and more efficiently than the COMELEC.[60] But this does not come without any trouble. In some instances, NAMFREL volunteers are not permitted entrance into polling areas such as West Crame, San Juan; Bagong Silang, Mandaluyong; Jose Rizal College, and San Miguel, Manila.[61] In Barangan, Muntinlupa, volunteers are hospitalized after being attacked by barangay officials. By the end of election day, NAMFREL continues to face issues with flying voters, missing ballots, and infringement of the election code.[62]
In the Vol. VII, No. 22 issue of ICHTHYS, Kaakbay publishes an article, stating that NAMFREL reported that the election was “generally clean with isolated and minor violations” in about 64% of the country. It had no data from 10% of the provinces. For the remaining 26%, fraud is so rampant and grave that the results cannot be relied upon.[63]
Protests and Rioting
May 18, 1984:
Citizens of Muntinlupa protest in front of the COMELEC offices in Intramuros. They decry what they call the meddling of Muntinlupa Mayor Argana in the elections. KBL candidate Atty. Rene Cayetano’s win is under protest, after a petition by his opponent, Dante Tinga, who filed to annul the election results in Muntinlupa and three barangays in Taguig.[64]
May 19, 1984:
Massive rioting occurs in Cebu due to allegations of anomalies and fraud. NAMFREL’s Cebu chapter disbands after encountering anomalies in voter registrations. Coalition Panaghi-usa campaign manager John Osmeña asserts that election results in two cities and 11 other municipalities are “statistically impossible.” Opposition leaders Doy Laurel and Nene Pimentel join the rally. The riot turns violent and ends with the death of a 17-year-old and four others being seriously injured.[65]
May 25, 1984:
Protests take place almost daily in the Pasay City Hall. Protesters claim that false returns were made, and direct their anger at Mayor Pablo Cuneta. Mayor Cuneta reportedly responds with brute force. Meanwhile, Cuneta’s opponent, Eduardo Calixto, has filed a protest with the COMELEC.[66]
May 31, 1984:
The bodies of Lito Cabrera and Rolando Castro are found in the Apalit River. Pepito Deheran is also found alive but heavily injured in the said river. Deheran dies a few days later. The three were very active in the boycott movement of Sapang Bato and were involved in the Sakbayan and Lakbayan marches. They were apprehended by members of the PC and accused of being members of the NPA.[67]
June 27, 1984:
WHO Magazine reports that one of the losing candidates of Timek ti Umili party in Cagayan, Manuel Molina, files for an annulment of proclamation and a call for special elections. He alleges that election returns in at least three towns with 184 voting centers, did not yield a single vote to all opposition or independent candidates. He says that the pattern is the same in all of Cagayan’s 29 towns, but local leaders concede a handful of votes to them.[68]
Nov 14, 1984:
Months after having won a national seat for Zamboanga in the May election, Zamboanga mayor Caesar Climaco is shot dead. He was a known critic of the Marcos administration. The military is alleged to have been involved in the killing.[69]
May 18, 1984:
Citizens of Muntinlupa protest in front of the COMELEC offices in Intramuros. They decry what they call the meddling of Muntinlupa Mayor Argana in the elections. KBL candidate Atty. Rene Cayetano’s win is under protest, after a petition by his opponent, Dante Tinga, who filed to annul the election results in Muntinlupa and three barangays in Taguig.[64]
May 19, 1984:
Massive rioting occurs in Cebu due to allegations of anomalies and fraud. NAMFREL’s Cebu chapter disbands after encountering anomalies in voter registrations. Coalition Panaghi-usa campaign manager John Osmeña asserts that election results in two cities and 11 other municipalities are “statistically impossible.” Opposition leaders Doy Laurel and Nene Pimentel join the rally. The riot turns violent and ends with the death of a 17-year-old and four others being seriously injured.[65]
May 25, 1984:
Protests take place almost daily in the Pasay City Hall. Protesters claim that false returns were made, and direct their anger at Mayor Pablo Cuneta. Mayor Cuneta reportedly responds with brute force. Meanwhile, Cuneta’s opponent, Eduardo Calixto, has filed a protest with the COMELEC.[66]
May 31, 1984:
The bodies of Lito Cabrera and Rolando Castro are found in the Apalit River. Pepito Deheran is also found alive but heavily injured in the said river. Deheran dies a few days later. The three were very active in the boycott movement of Sapang Bato and were involved in the Sakbayan and Lakbayan marches. They were apprehended by members of the PC and accused of being members of the NPA.[67]
June 27, 1984:
WHO Magazine reports that one of the losing candidates of Timek ti Umili party in Cagayan, Manuel Molina, files for an annulment of proclamation and a call for special elections. He alleges that election returns in at least three towns with 184 voting centers, did not yield a single vote to all opposition or independent candidates. He says that the pattern is the same in all of Cagayan’s 29 towns, but local leaders concede a handful of votes to them.[68]
Nov 14, 1984:
Months after having won a national seat for Zamboanga in the May election, Zamboanga mayor Caesar Climaco is shot dead. He was a known critic of the Marcos administration. The military is alleged to have been involved in the killing.[69]
The Iron Claw Loses Its Grip
This timeline of events shows that the 1984 parliamentary election bore witness to rare concessions and signs of weakness from Ferdinand Marcos. Marcos was struggling to maintain the visage of stability and power in order to maintain the trust of the people he needed: his investors, his allies, creditors, and foreign governments. The country’s precarious political situation further alienated Marcos from some of his staunchest supporters. This was brought about mainly by the Aquino assassination and the economic fiasco. Though the election did keep him and his party in place, reportage of electoral fraud only served to raise doubts about the country’s future if he continued to be President. All this came to a head just over a year later, when Marcos declared he would be calling for a snap election.[70] A last-ditch attempt to consolidate control and legitimize his regime.
As Filipinos once again head to the polls to elect their future leaders, perhaps a revisit to the country’s historical timeline may again be warranted.
Footnotes
[1] Ferdinand Marcos, “Our Programs Must Continue,” interview by Maynard Parker, Larry Rohter and Richard Vokey, in Newsweek, 1984, 34, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, Elections ‘84:2 Articles on Election: -IHT, Newsweek, TEER, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[2] Martial law was technically lifted in January 1981 under Proclamation No. 2045, but this was not felt on the ground. Most of the proclamations, decrees, orders, and instructions that Marcos released during the martial law years remained in effect. Media suppression continued and military presence remained strong, if not stronger, especially in rural areas. This period saw a remarkable increase in State-perpetrated massacres and human rights violations in the country.
[3] “1973 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines,” Official Gazette, 1973, accessed April 26, 2022. Article VII (“The President”) provides that in the event that the President dies, or if a President is not chosen due to failure to qualify, then the Prime Minister is to exercise executive duties in his stead. Next in line is the Speaker of the Batasang Pambansa, and the rest of the Constitution has no provision for a Vice President.
[4] “Oil Embargo, 1973–1974,” Office of the Historian, accessed April 25, 2022; Ferdinand Marcos, “Report to the Nation after One Year of Martial Law” (speech, Malacañan Palace on September 21, 1973), Official Gazette, accessed April 25, 2022.
[5] Terrence G. Bensel and Robert C. Harriss, “Energy Policy and Economic Development in the Philippines, 1973-2000,” The Journal of Energy and Development 20, no. 2 (1995): 188. A labor-intensive, export-oriented (LIEO) approach to the economy relies heavily on global market forces. Thus, when the global market experiences a crisis, such as the oil crisis, this LIEO economy also suffers.
[6] The amendments were ratified on October 27 through Proclamation No. 1595, s. 1976. Ferdinand Marcos, “Presidential Decree No. 1033, s. 1976,” Official Gazette, accessed April 25, 2022; Philippine Electoral Almanac – Revised and Expanded Edition (Manila: Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office, 2015), 119; “1976 Amendments,” Chan Robles Virtual Law Library, accessed April 25, 2022,
[7] Philippine Electoral Almanac, 121-122; Julio Teehankee, “Electoral Politics in the Philippines,” Electoral Politics in Southeast and East Asia, 2002, 160, accessed April 21, 2022. Ninoy Aquino’s newly established LABAN failed to win a single seat, as Marcos’ KBL cleaned up for a massive 150 seats.
[8] James K. Boyce, The Political Economy of Growth and Impoverishment in the Marcos Era (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press,. 1993), n.p; Apolonio Batalla, “Why the May 14 exercise is unique,” in Bulletin Today, 10 May 1984, 34, in Election ‘84 -Boycott – Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, ‘84:3 Philippine Newspaper Clippings Bulletin Today Dec. ‘83-May 15 ‘84, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines. The IMF loans to the Philippines were used primarily by Marcos for his infrastructural and economic projects, which did not yield enough revenue for the government to profit. It was exacerbated by massive corruption of government funds. As such, when the economic crisis of 1980 came into full force, these debts ended up crippling the Philippines. In other words, the Philippines’ debt-driven growth was a “debt trap.”
[9] Alliance of Concerned Teachers-Philippines, “The Teachers’ View on the Coming Plebiscite and Elections of 1984,” 15-16, in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 4 (January 27, 1984), ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, 1, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[10] “We Want Marcos…OUT!” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1 (September 29 – October 6, 1983): 6, 7; Teodoro Benigno, “A nation in an angry mood,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1: 3, 8; “JAJA plans more protests,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1 (September 29 – October 6, 1983): 3, 8. Accessed April 26, 2022 through the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Digital Library.
[11] Kenneth Gilpin, “Philippine Debt Delay is Granted,” The New York Times, October 15, 1983, accessed April 28, 2022.
[12] Concepion, Jr. “The May 1984 Elections,” 1; Horacio V. Paredes, “How that bloody Sunday affected business,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1: 3, 8. The latter is accessed through the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Digital Library.
[13] Ralph M. Goldman and Henrietta Pascual, “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” World Affairs, SPRING 1988, Vol. 150, No. 4, 223-224.
[14] Goldman and Pascual, “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” 223-224.
[16] Gilpin, “Philippine Debt Delay is Granted.”
[17] Lorenzo Tañada, “The 1984 Elections: Non-Participation Unless…,” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 4 (January 27, 1984), ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, 19, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[19] Alliance of Concerned Teachers – Philippines, “The Teachers’ View on the Coming Plebiscite and Elections of 1984,” 18.
[20] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 32
[21] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Boycott if 6 demands not met – Opposition,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 2 (January 31 1984), 2, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[22] Kim Rogal, Larry Rohter and Richard Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” Newsweek, January 30, 1984, 32-33, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, Elections ‘84:2 Articles on Election: -IHT, Newsweek, TEER, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines; Task Force PBC, “Primer on Philippine Foreign Debt,” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 19, May 25, 1984, 3, in ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines; Marcos, “Our Programs Must Continue,” interview by Parker, Rohter and Vokey, 34. Marcos attributes the overstating of the foreignexchange reserves to a bookkeeping error.
[23] “Proclamation No. 2332, s. 1984,” Official Gazette, February 1, 1984, accessed April 21, 2022. The amendment was passed with 11,353,161 votes in favor and only 2,171,963 votes against. It amended the first of the 1976 amendments to the 1973 Constitution.
[24] Ibid. The amendment was passed with 11,350,748 votes in favor and only 2,326,954 votes against. It amended Art. VII, Sec. 4 of the 1973 Constitution, which allows an Executive Committee, headed by the Prime Minister, to take over should the president be unable to lead.
[25] “Cagayan Barrio Hamletted,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 22, 12.
[26] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Barrio hit for boycott stand,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 8 (30 April 1984), 1, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[27] “Fears of Poll Terrorism Still Up,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 25 (May 5-11, 1984): 10. Accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library.
[28] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 32; Kim Rogal, Melinda Liu, Richard Vokey and Jane Whitmore, “Stumbling toward elections,” Newsweek, 2 April 1984, 31, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, Elections ‘84:2 Articles on Election: -IHT, Newsweek, TEER, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[29] Rogal, Liu, Vokey and Whitmore, “Stumbling toward elections,” 31; Virginia A. Leary, Anthony A. Ellis, and Kurt Madlener, The Philippines: Human Rights after Martial Law: Report of a Mission (Geneva, Switzerland: International Commission of Jurists, 1984), 15-16, accessed April 21, 2022. The decrees were temporarily lifted during the campaign period, but were reinstated on June 1, 1984.
[30] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 36.
[31] “Negros Teachers to Boycott If…” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 22 (April 7-13, 1984): 2, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library.
[32] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Another Battle Won,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 5 (15 March 1984), 1, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines; “Isang Sigaw: Boykot!” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 18 (March 10-16, 1984): 6, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library.
[33] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Boycott rallies in Iloilo, Cebu,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No, 7 (31 May 1984), 3, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[34] “6 Marchers Missing,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 20 (March 24-30, 1984): 12, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library.
[35] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “10,000 marchers call for boycott,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 7 (15 April 1984), 1, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[36] Emilia Tagaza, “Debt trap threatens Marcos rule as Filipino economy worsens,” The Christian Science Monitor, March 26, 1984, accessed April 26, 2022; JC Punongbayan, “We never defaulted on our loans? That’s historical revisionism,” Rappler, April 11, 2019, April 26, 2022.
[37] “Doleouts, ‘Hamlet’ Mar Poll Drive,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 22 (April 7-13, 1984): 2, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.
[38] Fe B. Zamora, “Long day’s journey into night ends for four marchers,” Mr.&Ms., April 27, 1984, 15, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library.
[39] AFP, Efren Danao, and Patty Adversario,“The Fraud-Marred Registration: Foreshadowing Problems in May 14 Polls,” Veritas vol. 1, no. 21 (April 8-14, 1984): 6, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library.
[40] “Death on the campaign trail,” Mr.&Ms., April 27, 1984, 15.
[41] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “More of LAKBAYAN in the Visayas,” Political Detainees Update (15 May 1984), 4, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[43] “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” 224-225.
[44] Ibid, “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” 225.
[45] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Boycott rallies in Iloilo, Cebu,” 3.
[46] “LUSSA Statement on the May 14 Election,” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 16 (May 4, 1984), 13, in ICHTHYS 1984, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines. The other groups had previously published their statements in Vol. VII, Nos. 6, 8, and 14 of ICHTHYS.
[47] Fe Esperanza, “SAKBAYAN South”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 9 (May 30, 1984), 15, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[48] Batalla, “Why the May 14 exercise is unique,” 25.
[49] Pat H. Gonzales, “Let the people do the talking,” in Bulletin Today, 10 May 1984, 25, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements – Articles -Newspaper clippings, ‘84:3 Philippine Newspaper Clippings Bulletin Today Dec. ‘83-May 15 ‘84, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines
[50] Efren L. Danao, “Death on Election Eve,” in Veritas Vol. 1, No. 28 (May 27-June 2, 1984), 2, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library .
[51] Teehankee, “Electoral Politics in the Philippines,” 162.
[52] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 32; Steve Lohr, “Election Fairness at Issue in Philippine Voting Today,” The New York Times, May 14, 1984, accessed April 25, 2022. It may actually be preferable for Marcos for some opposition candidates to win seats, as it would reinforce the veil of democratic reforms expected of him by international spectators such as the US and the International Monetary Fund.
[53] Carol O. Arguillas, “Massacre in Negros: A New Dimension of Brutality,” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 12 (June 20, 1984), 14-15, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[54] Cecil Morella and Yasmin Arquiza, “The Bicol Elections: Why Did Attackers Target Only UNIDO Strongholds?”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 10 (June 6, 1984), 19-20, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[55] “The Toll Steadily Rises” in Veritas Vol. 1 , No. 27, (May 20-26, 1984), 6, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library .
[56] “Fraud and Terrorism in Enrile Country” in Veritas Vol. 1, No. 28 (May 27-June 2, 1984), 6, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[57] Angel R. Calso, “Cagayan Politics: The Opposition Cries ‘Foul!’” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 10 (June 6, 1984), 21-22, accessed April 29, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[58] Cristina P. del Carmen-Pastor, “The COMELEC’s Acid Test”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 9 (May 30, 1984), 15, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[59] Martin B. Abbugao, “Ilocos Sur Politics: No Surprises”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 10 (June 6, 1984), 23-24, accessed April 29, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[60] Goldman and Pascual, “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” 225.
[61] Chit L. Macapagal “How it Was at NAMFREL’s QCC Center,” in Veritas Vol. 1 , No. 27, (May 20-26, 1984), 7, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[62] Macapagal, “How it Was at NAMFREL’s QCC Center,” 7.
[63] KAAKBAY, “The May ‘Election’ — Who Won?” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 22 (June 22, 1984), 5, in ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[64] “Mayor’s ‘Meddling’ Hit,” in Mr. and Ms., 36th Of a Series for Justice and National Reconciliation, May 25, 1984, 9, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[65] Nicolas V. Quijano, Jr., “Violence in Cebu: Who’s To Blame?” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 13 (June 27, 1984), 10-11, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library. An opposition candidate, PDP-Laban’s Antonio Cuenco bares that Danao, a city of 56,000 people, had 58,000 registered voters, and 57,000 voted for the KBL, with only 33 voting for Panaghi-usa bets.
[66] “No to Cuneta,” in Mr. and Ms., 36th Of a Series for Justice and National Reconciliation, May 25, 1984, 9, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[67] J. Raul Alibutud, “Sapang Bato: Where The Boycott Movement Lost Three,” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 12 (June 20, 1984), 6, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[68] Angel R. Calso, “Cagayan Politics: The Fight Goes On,” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 13 (June 27, 1984), 11, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library.
[69] “Is the Military Taking Over?,” Philippine Report, Vol. 1, No. 3, December 1984, 3, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.
[70] Ruben Alabastro, “Marcos Says He’s Willing to Hold Elections Soon,” Associated Press, November 4, 1985, accessed April 29, 2022.