The 1984 Batasang Pambansa Election: A Timeline of Volatility and Violence

uneral procession of the Lakbayan martyrs in April 1984, heading from the US Embassy to Malate Church. The martyrs were among those who marched in protest of the 1984 Batasang Pambansa election, being among the casualties of many cases of election-related violence. Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.

“The projects and the programs we started must continue. The momentummaintained until somebody can take over.” This was President Ferdinand Marcos’ response to an interviewer in early 1984 when asked if he would want to leave the presidency, 18 years since he assumed the role and facing more administrative problems than ever.[1] It had been 12 years since the imposition of Martial Law, and three since its superficial lifting, yet, as the Filipinos prepared to vote in the 1984 Batasang Pambansa Election, the country was once again at a crossroads in its political history. To understand how the Philippines got to this point, one must look back.

January 17, 1973 – Marcos proclaims the newly-ratified 1973 Constitution to be in effect. The Vice Presidency, under this constitution, is effectively abolished.[2]

October 1973 – The 1973 oil crisis, also known as the First Oil Shock, begins in October, when members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) impose an embargo against nations perceived as having supported Israel during the Yom Kippur War. As many countries the world over suffer from the resulting energy crisis, the Philippines is forced to look for and spend on costly alternative energy sources.[3] Marcos tries to offset the impact of the crisis by incurring more foreign loans and controlling the country’s shift towards a more export-oriented economy.[4]

October 16, 1976 – A referendum-plebiscite is held for the people to vote on whether or not they want Martial Law continued. They also vote on whether or not they approve of the proposed constitutional amendments, which include, for the first time since the declaration of martial law, the convening of an Interim Batasang Pambansa – although the proposed amendments also provide that Marcos will retain his legislative powers until the lifting of Martial Law. The plebiscite yields results in favor of both.[5]

April 7, 1978 – The Interim Batasang Pambansa election is held two years after the 1976 Constitutional amendments. The mainstream opposition, mostly those from the Liberal Party, boycotts the polls as Marcos’ Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) sweeps the elections, winning a staggering 150, or 91%, of all available seats.[6]

Late 1978 – Early 1979 – The Iranian Revolution triggers the Second Oil Shock, plunging the world in an oil supply shortage and a dramatic increase in oil prices. This affects the country’s economy, stalling its efforts at recovering from the first oil crisis. The national debt, originally meant to stabilize the economy, now threatens to further overwhelm it.[7]

January 30, 1980 – Local elections are held as the government seeks to tighten its control at the grassroots level. In San Fernando, Pampanga, some 500 public school teachers cause the postponement of elections when they defy local authorities’ orders to tamper with the ballot. Similar instances of cheating and fraud in other places reinforce the idea that voting as a political exercise has ceased being a medium for the people to express their will, and has become simply a tool for the government to perpetuate the dictatorship and its rules.[8]

Justice for all victims

Protest art depicting Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, along with other victims of military terrorism, during a funeral march held for him on August 31, 1983. Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.

August 21, 1983 – Former senator and staunch Marcos critic Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. is assassinated at the Manila International Airport (MIA) upon his return from a three-year self-exile in the US. His death triggers a political maelstrom as thousands of Filipinos, previously silent in opposing the regime, are compelled to employ more active forms of protest. Massive demonstrations, boycotts, and other forms of resistance nationwide persist and grow to a scale previously unseen under martial rule.[9]

The assassination leads to a 21% devaluation of the Philippine peso amid large-scale purchases of dollars and results in a drop in the nation’s foreign reserves.[10] Marcos’ reputation with foreign spectators, particularly the US, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and various creditors and investors is further soured as Aquino’s killing sparks “more than a mild business panic” and reveals red flags of political instability. The country’s economic and political crises worsen as a result.[11]

September 1983 – The National Citizens Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) is conceived in a climate of indignation after Aquino’s assassination. Its founding members, composed of volunteers led by Jose Concepcion, Jr. and Vicente Jayme of the Bishop Businessmen’s Conference for Human Development (BBC), uphold the urgent need for a democratic process of leadership change that is free, orderly, and honest.[12] They commit to the establishment of a citizen’s movement for peaceful reforms and focus their efforts on keeping an eye on the 1984 congressional elections.[13] NAMFREL spends six months mobilizing and training volunteers over a six-month period after being accredited and trains up to 200,000 volunteers in time for May.[14]

October 15, 1983 – The New York Times reports that an advisory committee representing banks owed by the Philippines has agreed the day prior to a 90-day moratorium on the country’s foreign debt. The request for the moratorium was made by Philippine Prime Minister Cesar Virata and Central Bank Governor Jaime Laya, who flew to New York to meet with said committee.[15]

January 8, 1984 – The Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL) adopts a resolution demanding the fulfillment of six conditions until February 14, or 90 days prior to the elections, focusing on the repeal of repressive decrees that effectively give Marcos dictatorial authority despite the 1981 lifting of martial law, and clearing the voter list to address burgeoning suspicions of fraud. They raise warnings of non-participation in the upcoming election, should Marcos fail to comply with the demands on time.[16]

January 10, 1984 – The Justice for Aquino, Justice for All Movement (JAJA), through chairman Lorenzo Tañada, endorses KOMPIL’s resolution and commits to abide by the conditions set therein as it also firmly believes that unless these conditions are met, participating in the elections betrays the cause of the people. JAJA also includes an additional demand to reinstate the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, restore legislative powers to Bataan, and release political prisoners.[17]

January 13, 1984 – The boycott movement intensifies. The Alliance of Concerned Teachers – Philippines releases a statement in ICHTHYS affirming that it is joining the boycott movement.[18]

2nd week, January 1984 – The Businessmen’s Committee for Reconciliation, a group of business leaders previously constituted by some of Marcos’ staunchest supporters, warns Marcos that they would feel “compelled” to demand his resignation should he fail to lead the Filipinos out of the crisis. Their statement signifies a new disenchantment with the capabilities of the administration due to recent events.[19]

BOYCOTT, if 6 demands not met

The news article, headlined “BOYCOTT, if 6 demands not met,” shown on the front page of the Political Detainees Update Vol. 8, No. 2 (January 31, 1984). Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.

January 24, 1984 – 10,000 people, led by Aquino’s widow, Corazon Aquino, and his brother, Agapito “Butz” Aquino, march along Ayala Avenue in Makati City in a rally to boycott the May 1984 election.[20] The participants march through the Ugarte Football Field with placards demanding democracy and freedom as more urgent needs over the electoral process, which they predict will be an utterly dishonest and futile exercise.

Late 1983 – January 1984 – The 90-day suspension of Philippine foreign-debt payment, imposed in October, elapses. Though the banks eventually grant an extension, the negotiation sours when it is later discovered that the Philippines overstated its foreign reserves by $600 million and underestimated its debt by $6 billion, drastically reducing the IMF and the creditors’ confidence in the country’s ability to pay off its loans.[21]

January 27, 1984 – The 1984 plebiscite is held, the results of which lead to amendments in the Constitution. This includes the amendment to elect members of the Batasang Pambansa by province, city and district, in contrast to the previous provision which provided electoral seats only to regional representatives. This brings representation closer to the local levels.[22] The plebiscite also paves the way for the re-establishment of the Office of the Vice President.[23]

Cagayan Barrio Hamletted

The news article, headlined “Cagayan Barrio Hamletted,” shown on the front page of the Philippine Signs Vol. I, No. 22 (April 7-13, 1984), detailing the eviction of families from a Cagayan barrio due to their boycott of the January plebiscite. Screenshot of document accessed through the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Digital Library.

Entire barrio in Sicalao, Lasam, Cagayan Valley, being “hamletted,” or forcibly evacuated to a relocation site. It explains that up to 500 families had been forced out of their homes by the 7th Infantry Brigade of the Philippine Army for having boycotted the January plebiscite. Because Months later, Philippine Signs releases a report about an eof this the families had been rendered unable to visit their fields to harvest their crops, and at least three children had died of hunger. The report also says that in the previous year alone, 150 people had been killed by the military in Cagayan, making the province a hotbed of military atrocities.[24]

A separate report cites a series of harassment, abductions, and salvaging done by the soldiers of the 17th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army to the residents of Zinundugan Valley in Rizal, Cagayan for the same reasons. The harassment was conducted under the pretext that the residents, most of whom were illiterate, had been influenced by the NPA not to vote. The report echoes multiple cases in which the bodies of residents who had gone missing were found in areas where the soldiers conducted their operations.[25]

Elsewhere, in Butuan City, slum-dwellers are intimidated and harassed by the military days after the plebiscite as house-to-house raids are conducted to identify those who joined the boycott.[26]

January 30, 1984 – Newsweek reports that Marcos has conceded to some of the opposition demands. To address rumors of the national voter-rolls being padded with the names of many dead or fictitious KBL supporters, Marcos calls for the full erasure of the rolls and re-registration of all voters.[27] He also temporarily suspends his power to arrest and jail dissidents, but rebuffs at the demands to release political prisoners, lift media restrictions, and relinquish control of the Batasang Pambansa.

This causes a split in the opposition movement as Salvador “Doy” Laurel, the frontrunner of the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO), continues to push for participation while Butz Aquino adheres to the boycott.[28]

Newsweek reports that Manila Archbishop Cardinal Jaime Sin has asked the US to “help convince Marcos to make sure the May elections are clean.” Even former senator Lorenzo Tañada, a critic of US intervention and foremost nationalist leader, expresses that the country needs the US to help persuade Marcos into easing his dictatorial grip before further chaos ensues.[29]

February 15, 1984 – At 12:01 AM in Makati City’s Ugarte Field, opposition groups led by Butz Aquino officially launch the boycott movement, after Marcos fails to respond on time to the six demands they had issued in January. Sectoral leaders, including farmers and workers represented by Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), present statements of support and commitment to the boycott.

February 27, 1984 – The Alliance of Concerned Teachers in Occidental Negros (ACTION) hold a province-wide sitdown strike to press a 15-point demand, highlighting living wages teachers and stable funding for public high schools. They declare that they will not participate in the election and vote-counting if their demands are not met.[30]

March 1-7, 1984 – An estimated 40,000 farmers, fishermen, laborers, vendors, students, professionals, and religious travel hundreds of kilometers on foot from various points in Luzon to complete a seven-day march called the Lakad para sa Kalayaan ng Bayan

The southern marchers of the Lakbayan boycott movement, passing through Silang, going to Bulihan, in Cavite on March 3, 1984.

The southern marchers of the Lakbayan boycott movement, passing through Silang, going to Bulihan, in Cavite on March 3, 1984. Photo accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.

(LAKBAYAN) or People’s March for Freedom, the first of its kind in the history of the nation. Simultaneously starting at Concepcion, Tarlac in the North, and at San Pablo, Laguna in the South, the various groups converge at Manila’s Quirino Grandstand to amplify the drumbeat to boycott the May 1984 election. Heat, physical exhaustion, hunger, and multiple incidences of military harassment do not faze the marchers. Empowered indignation ferries them through as they deplore the state of the nation and condemn the electoral process: “Sayang lang. Walang saysay ang boto mo, di rin nakukuha ang gusto mo. Kahit sino ang manalo, wala ring pagbabago.” (“It’s useless. Your vote won’t amount to anything, because you won’t get what you want. Nothing will change, whatever the outcome.”)[31]

March 5, 1984 – Despite restrictions imposed by local authorities, around 8,000 Ilonggos participate in a rally held at Plaza Libertad, Iloilo City, to support the boycott, with former Senator Jose W. Diokno in attendance. A similar rally is held on the 28th of April at the St. Elizabeth Academy in Janiuay, Iloilo.[32]

March 7, 1984 – Four Lakbayanis, all from Batangas, go missing. Ismael Umali, 25, Aurelio Magpantay, 27, Ronelo Evangelio, 24, and Ronellio Clarete, 21, are last seen on the seventh and final day of the Lakbayan. The number of missing persons rises to six almost three weeks later as two more Lakbayan marchers, Gregorio Moraleza, 24, and a certain Gani, are reported missing as well.[33]

March 18, 1984 – Around 10,000 students, professionals, workers, businessmen, farmers, and religious participate in a Cebu version of the LAKBAYAN. The march starts at Danao City Catholic Church, passing the towns of Compostela, Liloan, Consolacion and Mandaue City, before ending at Fuente Osmeña, Cebu City. The 33-kilometer “March for Freedom” similarly calls for the boycott and the dismantling of the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship.[34]

March 26, 1984 – Christian Science Monitor correctly predicts that the 90-day moratorium on foreign payments, already extended once, will have to be extended for another three months. Talks remain stalled over the rescheduling of the country’s $25 billion foreign debts and the delayed $630 million standby credit from the IMF. The usually lenient IMF increases its stringency towards the Philippines in light of the government’s failure to stabilize the economy using the loans made precisely for that purpose.[35]

March 27, 1984 – Vote-buying and deception mars the KBL’s “People’s Assembly” in Manila as Central Bank Senior Deputy Gov. Gabriel Singson directs all CB employees to attend the rally, doling out a “T-shirt and a special allowance of P30 each” and warning that attendance will be monitored.

Other reports in the same month include that of Atty. Teodoro P. Regino of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines Pangasinan chapter, who alleges that votes had been sold by two KBL bets to the barangay tanods (P200), captains (P300), kagawads (P200), municipal mayors (P3,000), members of the sangguniang panlalawigan (P5,000), and city mayors (P10,000).[36]

March 28, 1984 – Four mangled bodies are found in a shallow grave in Sitio Hanopol, Barangay Kaong in Silang, Cavite. Still unidentifiable at the time, their remains are re-buried at a graveyard in Silang. A few days later, on April 9, an NBI medico-legal group conduct an autopsy on the remains and determine that the four are indeed Ismael Umali, Aurelio Magpantay, Ronelo Evangelio, and Ronellio Clarete, who were last seen by fellow marchers in March 7, the last day of the LAKBAYAN.[37]

April 1, 1984 – Voter registrations formally close. NAMFREL reports an upscale of irregularities in data; ballot boxes are taken at gunpoint by groups of men, flying voters are caught registering in groups in localities other than their own, civilian poll watchers are threatened, and pre-prepared registration forms are discovered. These further stoke fears and confirm expectations of wide-scale fraud taking place all over the country.[38]

April 11, 1984 – Vice Mayor Rosita Villafuerte of Sipocot, Camarines Sur is shot fatally on the back of the head by an unknown assailant shortly after her speech at an UNIDO rally in Barangay Manlubang. Before her death, Villafuerte is said to have succeeded in convincing 43 of the 46 Sipocot barangay captains to withdraw support for the KBL and instead support UNIDO.[39]

The front page of Veritas Vol. 1, No. 21 (April 8-14, 1983), shhowing opposition leaders Salvador "Doy" Laurel, advocating for participation in the elections, and Jose "Ka Pepe" Diokno, advocating for boycott.

The front page of Veritas Vol. 1, No. 21 (April 8-14, 1983), showing opposition leaders Salvador “Doy” Laurel, advocating for participation in the elections, and Jose “Ka Pepe” Diokno, advocating for boycott. Photo accessed through the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Digital Library.

April 12-15, 1984 – A march echoing the Luzon LAKBAYAN entitled Lakbay Alang sa Kagawasan is held, starting from three different points in Bohol and ending in Tagbilaran. Farmers, fishermen, students, and professionals conduct this similarly to support the boycott movement.[40]

April 13, 1984 – An approximate number of 11,000 people join the group Exodus 94’ at Bacolod City Plaza as they protest against militarization and call for the boycott. The march is sponsored by religious groups Basic Christian Communities and the Negros Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace, with various members of the religious participating in the march. The protestors also call for the release of all political prisoners, many of whom are church men and women, and likewise protest the repression of the church.[41]

Meanwhile, Philippine Signs releases a report on alleged paramilitary groups being secretly trained by a powerful KBL candidate in Kalinga-Apayao, specifically for the May election. Another report also alleges that prisoners from the province are being released to reinforce the campaign of an influential candidate in the province.

May 1984 – NAMFREL trains up to 200,000 volunteers in the months leading up to May, with more showing up on election day and later during the vote counting.[42] This does not unfold without the anticipated issues. Two farmers, both NAMFREL volunteers, are killed in a barrio in Davao del Norte. Other deaths are likewise reported, but a climate of fear hinders the proper documentation of each case.[43] Apart from the killings, many NAMFREL volunteers are beaten and harassed.

May 1, 1984 – Thousands of Cebuanos choose to celebrate Labor day by participating in a pro-boycott march-rally. Said rally simultaneously started from Consolacion in the North and Talisay in the South, before ending at Fuente Osmeña Plaza. In attendance was Butz Aquino, who spoke on the U.S. meddling in the affairs of the Philippines. He states that the Americans are guilty of using Marcos to suppress and repress the Filipinos, and that the May 1984 election is merely a diversionary tactic by the U.S. to maintain Marcos’ one-man rule in the Philippines.[44]

May 4, 1984 – The Luzon Secretariat of Social Action (LUSSA) Federation passes a resolution to boycott the upcoming election, publishing a statement in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 16. They join the ranks of other religious groups, such as the Dioceses of Sorsogon and Imus, Cavite, the Prelature of Isabela, Basilan, the Kapisanan ng mga Madre ng Kamaynilaan, the ICM Sisters, the Committee for the Promotion of Church People’s Rights and Response, and the Pampanga Association of Women Religious, among others, who had previously also called for the boycott.[45]

The mammoth rally at the Luneta when the North and South Sakbayan caravan merged, with some 65,000 people attending the rally

The mammoth rally at the Luneta when the North and South Sakbayan caravan merged, with some 65,000 people attending the rally. Photo, one of a set of photos, accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.”

May 4-13, 1984 – Dubbed as SAKBAYAN ‘84 (Sakay Para Sa Kalayaan Ng Bayan), pro-boycott supporters hold a 10-day caravan down the South, passing Sorsogon, Albay, Camarines Norte and Sur, Quezon, Batangas, Laguna, and Cavite in a caravan of more than 600 kilometers that ends in Luneta. Starting with six vehicles and fifty-three riders, the number swells up to fifty-six vehicles in Sorsogon to fifty-eight vehicles in Cavite, before ending up with a hundred vehicles in Luneta. In Quezon, seven boycott supporters awaiting the caravan are picked up by the police for questioning, with three of them being locked up overnight in Camp Natividad in Gumaca. Butz Aquino, who was in attendance at a city plaza in Naga states that the caravan is their only option to be able to reach out to the people in a short amount of time.[46]

May 10, 1984 – Insurgency and election-related violence continues as election day nears. Marcos himself admits that the NPA has grown in some areas despite his government’s anti-insurgency efforts. Bulletin Today confirms that violence has increased since the start of the election campaign, which explains the Commission on Election (COMELEC)’s decision to mobilize the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).[47]

Pat Gonzales of Bulletin Today notes that the election has swelled in importance on a wider national scale, as the KBL takes drastic and violent measures to curry electoral favor for its candidates despite the multitude of issues that began hounding the country under its legislative and executive dominance. On the other hand, the opposition is banking its campaign on the disenchantment of the people, given the trajectory of the investigation into Aquino’s assassination, as well as the country’s economic instability.[48]

May 13, 1984 – In what is considered as the most violent election incident in Antique, seven followers of the Nacionalista Party candidate Evelio Javier and KBL candidate Antique Governor Enrique Zaldivar are ambushed and massacred. Initial reports from Brigadier General Isidro de Guzman, PC commander of Western Visayas, states that the group was the one who fired first at the group headed by re-electionist Arturo Pacificador of KBL. However, Luna Sanchez, the group’s lone survivor, denied this and said that they were the ones ambushed instead. Luna said that their group was fired upon at around 11:20 PM on the 13th of May while their security men were asleep. The group, including Luna’s son Aldrick, die on-site.

Candidate Evelio Javier claims that at the same time of the ambush on Luna’s group, four houses of his followers in the town of Hamtic were burned down by the men of KBL candidate Arturo Pacificador.[49]

May 14, 1984 – The Batasang Pambansa election is held. Due to the result of the plebiscite held in January delegating representation by province, city and district, rather than by region, the number of available seats in the Batasang Pambansa increased from 165, occupied in the Interim Batasang Pambansa, to 183.[50] Despite the proliferation of groups calling for a boycott and participating in boycott rallies, several opposition candidates still

The front page of Veritas Vol. I, No. 27 (May 20-26, 1984), with various news articles on the election, election-related violence, the boycott movement and NAMFREL's independent vote count

The mammoth rally at the Luneta when the North and South Sakbayan caravan merged, with some 65,000 people attending the rally. Photo, one of a set of photos, accessed through the archives of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission.”

vie for seats. Political analysts, local and foreign, predict the agitated but united slate of Marcos’ Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) will still win by a large margin over the fractured but thriving opposition.[51]

Ultimately, the KBL does win the majority, securing 114 seats (63%) compared to the 69 shared by the remaining groups, 35 of which are won by UNIDO and 6 won by PDP-Laban. However, KBL still suffers a significant drop, losing more than 30 seats won from the previous elections, while the opposition, who previously had none, gain more than 40.

In Cauayan, Negros, 11 men, after casting their ballots for the election, are apprehended and interrogated by Philippine Constabulary (PC) soldiers. Shots are heard at around 7:20 in the evening, further disrupting the canvassing of ballots, which took place during a brownout. Nine of the 11 men turn out dead the next day, all bearing torture marks, gunshot wounds and burns. They are dubbed the Langoni Nine, as their hometown was in Sitio Langoni.[52]

In an NPA-staged attack as claimed by the military, rebels allegedly simultaneously snatch ballot boxes in various areas in Camarines Sur using high powered rifles. Further, the rebels are accused by the military of using grenade launchers to ambush policemen in a remote mountain trail in the town of Calabanga. However, former Trade Minister Luis Villafuerte of UNIDO states that he doesn’t believe the military’s claim, stating that the areas targeted by the alleged rebels were only UNIDO strongholds. Villafuerte also states that the NPAs don’t have such sophisticated weaponry, unlike the police and the military with their artillery.[53]

The death toll attributed to election-related violence rises, as encounters among the military and rebels take place in Pagadian City, Quezon Province, Davao Del Norte, Ifugao, Antique, Negros Occidental, and Cotabato City. Some incidents report that the military and rebels would clash during the transportation of ballot boxes, while other incidents detail ambushes. At least 91 lives are claimed, including 60 soldiers and paramilitary troops, 15 civilians, and 16 NPA members.[54]

Reports of election irregularities proliferate as early as 6:30 in the morning in various barangays and municipalities in Cagayan. In the barangays of Bugnay and Bicok, the elections were held the night before. Resident Renario Lucas states that they were ordered to affix their thumb marks on official ballots by Citizen’s Election Committee (CEC) Chairman Clifford Vallejo, who was accompanied by armed barangay officials. There are also reports of UNIDO watchers being denied access inside the voting centers by their respective CEC chairmans.[55] Elsewhere, ballot boxes are carted away to the municipal buildings even before the end of the election. Area coordinator Rolando Arjonillo discloses that the voting centers in Ballesteros and Abulug were closed as early as 9AM, with the ballot boxes taken to the municipal buildings. Arjonillo also claims that armed men and barangay officials did not allow the people to vote in the towns of Claveria and Sta. Praxedes. Further, there were also reports of ballot box snatching in Brgy. Catugan as disclosed by Belen Dombrique and Citas Ramos. As per Dombrique and Ramos, at 2PM COMELEC registrar Mr. Savella with two armed men forcibly took the ballot box and its keys from the chairman and the poll clerk, bringing the boxes to the municipal building where the counting of votes took place. In another case of vote manipulation, teachers who were serving as chairmen and poll watchers in Tuguegarao were made to cheat in the counting. According to poll clerk Erlinda Alan, a certain Plaridel Israel gave them instructions before the canvassing to give zero votes to Timek candidates by reading all the votes in favor of the KBL.[56]

There were a number of complaints received by the COMELEC during the elections, which mostly consist about the ineffectiveness of the indelible ink. There were reports of distribution of acetone and cotton to flying voters in Las Piñas, and putting of indelible ink at random in Fairview. There were also reports of vote buying in Pasig where a man was caught distributing envelopes containing P30 and leaflets of KBL’s Danny Floro, as well as reports of a person voting using a different name. However, the complaints received by the COMELEC are minor compared to the calls received by Radio Veritas and other prominent radio stations, wherein they received reports of Aurora Pijuan-Manotoc’s poll watchers being manhandled by a barangay tanod, and armed men stopping the election proceedings in Muntinlupa.[57]

In Ilocos Sur, threats on the volunteers and voters were made if they would not vote for KBL candidates. All government employees were instructed to vote for the KBL candidates, as echoed by a 27-year old clerk saying that they should vote for KBL if they want to remain in their jobs. Further, a janitor at the Ilocos Sur National High School was quoted saying “Kailangan kong manatili sa trabaho, kaya KBL.” A poll clerk at the Vigan Central School was also quoted saying “Alam mo naman ang trabaho ko. In three years I will already retire kaya maintindihan mo sana.” Volunteer nuns were also made to watch cheating of votes right in front of them, and not say anything in fear of their lives. Benedictine nuns watched in silence as burly men went in and out of the polling place while distributing KBL sample ballots.[58]

May 15, 1984 onwards – Amidst the looming presence of armed goons in various localities, NAMFREL’s “Operation Quick Count” plays a significant role in detecting inconsistencies in the official count. It also allows NAMFREL to effectively deliver the election results from all over the country to Manila, much faster and more efficiently than the COMELEC’s count.[59] This did not come without any trouble. In some instances, NAMFREL volunteers were not permitted entrance into polling areas such as West Crame, San Juan; Bagong Silang, Mandaluyong; Jose Rizal College, and San Miguel, Manila.[60] In Barangan, Muntinlupa, volunteers even experienced being attacked by barangay officials, which led to their hospitalization. By the end of election day, NAMFREL continue to face issues with flying voters, missing ballots, and infringement of the election code.[61]

In the Vol. VII, No. 22 issue of ICHTHYS, Kaakbay publishes an article, stating that NAMFREL reported that the election was “generally clean with isolated and minor violations” in about 64% of the country. It had no data from 10% of the provinces, but as for the remaining 26%, fraud is so rampant and grave that the results cannot be relied upon.[62]

May 18, 1984 – Citizens of Muntinlupa protest in front of the COMELEC offices in Intramuros to decry what they call the meddling of Muntinlupa Mayor Argana in the elections. KBL candidate Atty. Rene Cayetano’s win is under protest, after a petition by his opponent, Dante Tinga, who filed with the COMELEC to annul the election results in Muntinlupa and three barangays in Taguig.[63]

May 19, 1984 – Massive rioting occurs in Cebu due to allegations of anomalies and fraud. NAMFREL’s Cebu chapter disbands after encountering anomalies in voter registrations. Coalition Panaghi-usa campaign manager John Osmeña asserts that election results in two cities and 11 other municipalities are “statistically impossible.” Opposition leaders Doy Laurel and Nene Pimentel join the rally. The riot turns violent and ends with the death of a 17-year old and four others being seriously injured.[64]

Where the boycott movement lost three

May 25, 1984 – Protests take place almost daily in Pasay City Hall, as protesters claim that false returns were made, and direct their anger at Mayor Pablo Cuneta, who reportedly responded with brute force. Cuneta’s opponent, Eduardo Calixto, has filed a protest with the COMELEC.[65]

May 31, 1984 – The bodies of Lito Cabrera and Rolando Castro were found dumped in the Apalit River, along with a heavily injured Pepito Deheran, who died a few days later. The three, who were very active in the boycott movement of Sapang Bato and were involved in the Sakbayan and Lakbayan marches, were apprehended by members of the PC and accused of being members of the NPA.[66]

June 27, 1984 – WHO Magazine reports that one of the losing candidates of Timek ti Umili party in Cagayan, Manuel Molina, files for an annulment of proclamation and a call for special elections in Cagayan, alleging that election returns in at least three towns, with 184 voting centers, did not yield a single vote to all opposition or independent candidates. He alleges that the pattern is the same in all of Cagayan’s 29 towns, but local leaders concede a handful of votes to them.[67]

Nov 14, 1984 – Months after having won a national seat for Zamboanga in the May election, Zamboanga mayor Caesar Climaco, a critic of the Marcos administration, is shot dead. The military is alleged to have been involved in the killing.[68]

This timeline of events shows that the 1984 parliamentary election bore witness to rare concessions and signs of weakness from Ferdinand Marcos, who was struggling to maintain the visage of stability and power in order to maintain the trust of the people he needed: his investors, his allies, creditors, and foreign governments. The country’s precarious political situation, brought about mainly by the Aquino assasination, and the worsening economic fiasco, further alienated Marcos from even his staunchest of supporters. Though the election did keep him and his party in place, reportage of electoral fraud only served to raise doubts about the country’s future under his rule. All this came to a head just over a year later, when Marcos, in a last ditch attempt to consolidate control and legitimize his regime, declared he would be calling for a snap election.[69] Another vote marked by volatility and violence, but none more crucial during the Martial Law regime.

As Filipinos once again head to the polls to elect their future leaders, perhaps a revisit to the country’s historical timeline may again be warranted


[1] Ferdinand Marcos, “Our Programs Must Continue,” interview by Maynard Parker, Larry Rohter and Richard Vokey, in Newsweek, 1984, 34, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, Elections ‘84:2 Articles on Election: -IHT, Newsweek, TEER, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[2] “1973 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines,” Official Gazette, 1973, accessed April 26, 2022, https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/constitutions/1973-constitution-of-the-republic-of-the-philippines-2. Article VII (“The President”) provides that in the event that the President dies, or if a President is not chosen due to failure to qualify, then the Prime Minister is to exercise executive duties in his stead. Next in line is the Speaker of the Batasang Pambansa, and the rest of the Constitution has no provision for a Vice President.

[3] “Oil Embargo, 1973–1974,” Office of the Historian, accessed April 25, 2022, https://history.state.gov/milestones/1969-1976/oil-embargo; Ferdinand Marcos, “Report to the Nation after One Year of Martial Law” (speech, Malacañan Palace on September 21, 1973), Official Gazette, accessed April 25, 2022, https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1973/09/21/ferdinand-e-marcos-eighth-state-of-the-nation-address-september-21-1973; Ferdinand Marcos, “The State of the Nation” (speech, Batasang Pambansa on July 23, 1979), Official Gazette, accessed April 25, 2022, https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1979/07/23/ferdinand-e-marcos-fourteenth-state-of-the-nation-address-july-23-1979. One of Marcos’ proposed solutions was the creation of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, as Marcos envisioned nuclear energy as a viable alternative to oil.

[4] Terrence G. Bensel and Robert C. Harriss, “Energy Policy and Economic Development in the Philippines, 1973-2000,” The Journal of Energy and Development 20, no. 2 (1995): 188. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24808691. A labor-intensive, export-oriented (LIEO) approach to the economy relies heavily on global market forces. Thus, when the global market experiences a crisis, such as the oil crisis, this LIEO economy also suffers.

[5] The amendments were ratified on October 27 through Proclamation No. 1595, s. 1976. Ferdinand Marcos, “Presidential Decree No. 1033, s. 1976,” Official Gazette, accessed April 25, 2022, https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1976/09/22/presidential-decree-no-1033-s-1976/; Philippine Electoral Almanac – Revised and Expanded Edition (Manila: Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office, 2015), 119; “1976 Amendments,” Chan Robles Virtual Law Library, accessed April 25, 2022, https://www.chanrobles.com/1976amendments.htm.

[6] Philippine Electoral Almanac, 121-122; Julio Teehankee, “Electoral Politics in the Philippines,” Electoral Politics in Southeast and East Asia, 2002, 160, accessed April 21, 2022, https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/01361006.pdf. Ninoy Aquino’s newly established LABAN failed to win a single seat, as Marcos’ KBL cleaned up for a massive 150 seats.

[7] James K. Boyce, The Political Economy of Growth and Impoverishment in the Marcos Era (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press,. 1993), n.p; Apolonio Batalla, “Why the May 14 exercise is unique,” in Bulletin Today, 10 May 1984, 34, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, ‘84:3 Philippine Newspaper Clippings Bulletin Today Dec. ‘83-May 15 ‘84, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines. The IMF loans to the Philippines were used primarily by Marcos for his infrastructural and economic projects, which did not yield enough revenue for the government to profit. It was exacerbated by massive corruption of government funds. As such, when the economic crisis of 1980 came into full force, these debts ended up crippling the Philippines. In other words, the Philippines’ debt-driven growth was a “debt trap.”

[8] Alliance of Concerned Teachers-Philippines, “The Teachers’ View on the Coming Plebiscite and Elections of 1984,” 15-16, in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 4 (January 27, 1984), ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, 1, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[9] “We Want Marcos…OUT!” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1 (September 29 – October 6, 1983): 6, 7; Teodoro Benigno, “A nation in an angry mood,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1: 3, 8; “JAJA plans more protests,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1 (September 29 – October 6, 1983): 3, 8. Accessed April 26, 2022 through the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Digital Library at https://bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[10] Kenneth Gilpin, “Philippine Debt Delay is Granted,” The New York Times, October 15, 1983, accessed April 28, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/10/15/business/philippine-debt-delay-is-granted.html.

[11] Concepion, Jr. “The May 1984 Elections,” 1; Horacio V. Paredes, “How that bloody Sunday affected business,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 1: 3, 8. The latter is accessed through the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Digital Library at https://bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[12] Ralph M. Goldman and Henrietta Pascual, “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” World Affairs, SPRING 1988, Vol. 150, No. 4, 223-224, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20672149.

[13] Goldman and Pascual, “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” 223-224.

[14] Ibid., 224-225.

[15] Gilpin, “Philippine Debt Delay is Granted.”

[16] Lorenzo Tañada, “The 1984 Elections: Non-Participation Unless…,” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 4 (January 27, 1984), ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, 19, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[17] Ibid, 18-19.

[18] Alliance of Concerned Teachers – Philippines, “The Teachers’ View on the Coming Plebiscite and Elections of 1984,” 18.

[19] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 32.

[20] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Boycott if 6 demands not met – Opposition,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 2 (January 31 1984), 2, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[21] Kim Rogal, Larry Rohter and Richard Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” Newsweek, January 30, 1984, 32-33, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, Elections ‘84:2 Articles on Election: -IHT, Newsweek, TEER, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines; Task Force PBC, “Primer on Philippine Foreign Debt,” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 19, May 25, 1984, 3, in ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines; Marcos, “Our Programs Must Continue,” interview by Parker, Rohter and Vokey, 34. Marcos attributes the overstating of the foreign-exchange reserves to a bookkeeping error.

[22] “Proclamation No. 2332, s. 1984,” Official Gazette, February 1, 1984, accessed April 21, 2022, https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1984/02/01/proclamation-no-2332-s-1984. The amendment was passed with 11,353,161 votes in favor and only 2,171,963 votes against. It amended the first of the 1976 amendments to the 1973 Constitution.

[23] Ibid. The amendment was passed with 11,350,748 votes in favor and only 2,326,954 votes against. It amended Art. VII, Sec. 4 of the 1973 Constitution, which allows an Executive Committee, headed by the Prime Minister, to take over should the president be unable to lead.

[24] “Cagayan Barrio Hamletted,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 22, 12.

[25] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Barrio hit for boycott stand,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 8 (30 April 1984), 1, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[26] “Fears of Poll Terrorism Still Up,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 25 (May 5-11, 1984): 10. Accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[27] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 32; Kim Rogal, Melinda Liu, Richard Vokey and Jane Whitmore, “Stumbling toward elections,” Newsweek, 2 April 1984, 31, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, Elections ‘84:2 Articles on Election: -IHT, Newsweek, TEER, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[28] Rogal, Liu, Vokey and Whitmore, “Stumbling toward elections,” 31; Virginia A. Leary, Anthony A. Ellis, and Kurt Madlener, The Philippines: Human Rights after Martial Law: Report of a Mission (Geneva, Switzerland: International Commission of Jurists, 1984), 15-16, accessed April 21, 2022, https://www.icj.org/wp-content/uploads/1984/01/Philippines-human-rights-mission-report-1984-eng.pdf. The decrees were temporarily lifted during the campaign period, but were reinstated on June 1, 1984.

[29] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 36.

[30] “Negros Teachers to Boycott If…” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 22 (April 7-13, 1984): 2, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[31] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Another Battle Won,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 5 (15 March 1984), 1, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines; “Isang Sigaw: Boykot!” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 18 (March 10-16, 1984): 6, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[32] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Boycott rallies in Iloilo, Cebu,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No, 7 (31 May 1984), 3, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[33] “6 Marchers Missing,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 20 (March 24-30, 1984): 12, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[34] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “10,000 marchers call for boycott,” Political Detainees Update Vol. 8 No. 7 (15 April 1984), 1, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[35] Emilia Tagaza, “Debt trap threatens Marcos rule as Filipino economy worsens,” The Christian Science Monitor, March 26, 1984, accessed April 26, 2022, https://www.csmonitor.com/1984/0326/032634.html; JC Punongbayan, “We never defaulted on our loans? That’s historical revisionism,” Rappler, April 11, 2019, April 26, 2022, https://www.rappler.com/voices/thought-leaders/227938-analysis-philippines-never-defaulted-loans-historical-revisionism.

[36] “Doleouts, ‘Hamlet’ Mar Poll Drive,” Philippine Signs vol. 1, no. 22 (April 7-13, 1984): 2, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[37] Fe B. Zamora, “Long day’s journey into night ends for four marchers,” Mr.&Ms., April 27, 1984, 15, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[38] AFP, Efren Danao, and Patty Adversario,“The Fraud-Marred Registration: Foreshadowing Problems in May 14 Polls,” Veritas vol. 1, no. 21 (April 8-14, 1984): 6, accessed through the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[39] “Death on the campaign trail,” Mr. & Ms., April 27, 1984, 15.

[40] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “More of LAKBAYAN in the Visayas,” Political Detainees Update (15 May 1984), 4, in Political Detainees Update, 1984-1986, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[41] Ibid.

[42] “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” 224-225.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, “Boycott rallies in Iloilo, Cebu,” 3.

[45] “LUSSA Statement on the May 14 Election,” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 16 (May 4, 1984), 13, in ICHTHYS 1984, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines. The other groups had previously published their statements in Vol. VII, Nos. 6, 8, and 14 of ICHTHYS.

[46] Fe Esperanza, “SAKBAYAN South”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 9 (May 30, 1984), 15, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[47] Batalla, “Why the May 14 exercise is unique,” 25.

[48] Pat H. Gonzales, “Let the people do the talking,” in Bulletin Today, 10 May 1984, 25, in Election ‘84 -Boycott -Statements -Articles -Newspaper clippings, ‘84:3 Philippine Newspaper Clippings Bulletin Today Dec. ‘83-May 15 ‘84, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[49] Efren L. Danao, “Death on Election Eve,” in Veritas Vol. 1, No. 28 (May 27-June 2, 1984), 2, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[50] Teehankee, “Electoral Politics in the Philippines,” 162.

[51] Rogal, Rohter and Vokey, “Facing a Future After Marcos,” 32; Steve Lohr, “Election Fairness at Issue in Philippine Voting Today,” The New York Times, May 14, 1984, accessed April 25, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/1984/05/14/world/election-s-fairness-at-issue-in-philippine-voting-today.html. It may actually be preferable for Marcos for some opposition candidates to win seats, as it would reinforce the veil of democratic reforms expected of him by international spectators such as the US and the International Monetary Fund.

[52] Carol O. Arguillas, “Massacre in Negros: A New Dimension of Brutality,” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 12 (June 20, 1984), 14-15, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[53] Cecil Morella and Yasmin Arquiza, “The Bicol Elections: Why Did Attackers Target Only UNIDO Strongholds?”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 10 (June 6, 1984), 19-20, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[54] “The Toll Steadily Rises” in Veritas Vol. 1 , No. 27, (May 20-26, 1984), 6, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[55] “Fraud and Terrorism in Enrile Country” in Veritas Vol. 1, No. 28 (May 27-June 2, 1984), 6, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[56] Angel R. Calso, “Cagayan Politics: The Opposition Cries ‘Foul!’” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 10 (June 6, 1984), 21-22, accessed April 29, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[57] Cristina P. del Carmen-Pastor, “The COMELEC’s Acid Test”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 9 (May 30, 1984), 15, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[58] Martin B. Abbugao, “Ilocos Sur Politics: No Surprises”, in WHO Vol. VI, No. 10 (June 6, 1984), 23-24, accessed April 29, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[59] Goldman and Pascual, “NAMFREL: Spotlight for Democracy,” 225.

[60] Chit L. Macapagal “How it Was at NAMFREL’s QCC Center,” in Veritas Vol. 1 , No. 27, (May 20-26, 1984), 7, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[61] Macapagal, “How it Was at NAMFREL’s QCC Center,” 7.

[62] KAAKBAY, “The May ‘Election’ — Who Won?” in ICHTHYS Vol. VII, No. 22 (June 22, 1984), 5, in ICHTHYS 1984 Folder 2, ICHTHYS 1984, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[63] “Mayor’s ‘Meddling’ Hit,” in Mr. and Ms., 36th Of a Series for Justice and National Reconciliation, May 25, 1984, 9, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[64] Nicolas V. Quijano, Jr., “Violence in Cebu: Who’s To Blame?” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 13 (June 27, 1984), 10-11, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library. An opposition candidate, PDP-Laban’s Antonio Cuenco bares that Danao, a city of 56,000 people, had 58,000 registered voters, and 57,000 voted for the KBL, with only 33 voting for Panaghi-usa bets.

[65] “No to Cuneta,” in Mr. and Ms., 36th Of a Series for Justice and National Reconciliation, May 25, 1984, 9, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[66] Raul Alibutud, “Sapang Bato: Where The Boycott Movement Lost Three,” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 12 (June 20, 1984), 6, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[67] Angel R. Calso, “Cagayan Politics: The Fight Goes On,” in WHO Vol. VI, No. 13 (June 27, 1984), 11, accessed April 28, 2022, from the Bantayog Digital Library at https://www.bantayog.foundation/digital-library.

[68] “Is the Military Taking Over?,” Philippine Report, Vol. 1, No. 3, December 1984, 3, Filippijnengroep Nederland Collection, Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, Quezon City, Philippines.

[69] Ruben Alabastro, “Marcos Says He’s Willing to Hold Elections Soon,” Associated Press, November 4, 1985, accessed April 29, 2022, https://apnews.com/article/4129ae5b82d8ba4432d92995be3a4a19.